[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E824]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   KOSOVA: A NATION IN PERIL, PRIME MINISTER BUJAR BUKOSHI'S REMARKS

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                          HON. JAMES P. MORAN

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, May 16, 1996

  Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of my 
colleagues, on both sides of the aisle, the grave situation that exists 
in the Republic of Kosova. In this tenuous post-Dayton agreement 
environment, the United States cannot idly stand by and wait for this 
volatile situation to reach a crisis point. We must press for a moral 
and equitable resolution to the Kosova question. I urge everyone in 
this Chamber to read this speech by Dr. Bukoshi; his scholarly point of 
view and firsthand knowledge present the Kosova issue in a succinct and 
edifying way. The speech reads as follows:

             Ignoring the Lessons of History in the Balkans

                         (By Dr. Bujar Bukoshi)

       In the aftermath of the Dayton Accords, there remains 
     significant unfinished business to be handled by the 
     international community. Among this unfinished business is 
     the Kosova crisis.
       Dayton recognized this reality. In fact, the document was 
     quite specific with respect to conditions that must be met by 
     Serbia-Montenegro before the so-called ``Outer Wall'' of 
     diplomatic, political and financial sanctions against the 
     Slobodan Milosevic regime would be lifted.
       Regrettably, recent events confirm that some European 
     countries who signed the Accords have violated them by 
     prematurely extending diplomatic recognition to Serbia-
     Montenegro. In doing so, Europe is setting the stage for a 
     new conflict.
       It should also be noted that with respect to implementing 
     the Dayton Accords in Bosnia, the so-called ``Republika 
     Srpska'' has been extended de facto recognition, as NATO in 
     many instances has adopted what some have described as a 
     ``can't do'' attitude toward implementation that has allowed 
     ``Republika Srpska'' to escape many provisions of the 
     Accords.
       In effect, the indicted war criminals [Radovan] Karadzic 
     and [Ratko] Mladic have won virtual statehood for ``Republika 
     Srpska.'' They have received something where there was 
     nothing.
       In contrast with this is Kosova, which was recognized as 
     one of the eight political units of former Yugoslavia with 
     the rights and responsibilities accorded by that status. How 
     can the world expect Kosova, which had a distinct and 
     existing statehood, to now have nothing?
       In Bosnia, and now by extending diplomatic recognition to 
     the forces of evil in Belgrade, some European countries have 
     exhibited a moral bankruptcy that should shock those who are 
     committed to peace, human rights, fairness, and justice.
       Albanians in Kosova take such action as an insult that will 
     lead nowhere. By extending the mantle of diplomatic 
     recognition at the present time and under the present 
     geographic shape, the situation will lead to new crisis.
       Recognition will never defuse the situation. To the 
     contrary, it sends a very bad message to the Albanians who, 
     for seven long years, have endured the apartheid imposed by 
     the Milosevic regime.
       The message is simply this: Those who exhibit anti-social 
     behavior, who practice ethnic cleansing and perpetrate the 
     worst crimes against humanity since World War II will be 
     rewarded. Those who have fought oppression, who have stood 
     for freedom and democracy, who have resisted peacefully, will 
     be punished. In a cynical view of the situation, some 
     European countries seem intent on rewarding evil and 
     punishing good.
       Although some European leaders have capitulated to the 
     sinister forces in Belgrade, the U.S. has--up until now--
     maintained constant, consistent and committed. And we hope it 
     will continue to do so.
       In my meeting with high-level State Department officials 
     Monday, they reiterated that the U.S. is not prepared to 
     recognize Belgrade, and that the ``Outer Wall'' sanctions 
     will remain in place.
       They reaffirmed strong U.S. support for the non-violent 
     approach of the Kosova leadership in dealing with Serbian 
     repression in Kosova. They affirmed that the Kosova issue is 
     very high on the agenda and reconfirmed their desire to be 
     helpful in finding a peaceful solution. They said the U.S. 
     would continue to work with its allies in pursuit of such a 
     solution.
       The U.S. position reflects an understanding of the lessons 
     of the past in the Balkans. Let us remember that in World War 
     I and World War II it was America that finally entered the 
     conflict and brought an end to the fighting.
       Throughout the four decades of the Cold War, it was the 
     U.S. through its leadership of NATO that insured the peace 
     and the collapse of Communism. In Bosnia, the protracted 
     conflict continued until America took the initiative, brought 
     the aggressor together with the victims, and hammered out the 
     Dayton Accords.
       We believe that U.S. leaders are looking at Kosova as an 
     opportunity for American leadership to be exerted before 
     there is a slaughter. This pro-active strategy would work, 
     provided America maintained the fortitude to finish the job.
       As we move ahead in this post-Dayton period, the 
     international community would be well advised to recognize 
     the new realities and to remember the lessons of history.
       Kosova is a state, and its political future must be 
     determined by its 2.2 million people. Serbia-Montenegro is a 
     pariah outcast. Evil must not be rewarded. You don't make the 
     criminal the policeman. Serbia cannot and should not be 
     granted mini-super power status.
       If Serbia strengthens its alliance with a new Russian 
     coalition, the so-called ``USSR-II,'' that may result from 
     the June elections in Russia, a new Cold War may emerge, and 
     the very Serbia that some Europeans rush to recognize today 
     will become an enemy again, only this time more brutal, more 
     sinister and more potent.
       Serbia wants to have it both ways: To become militarily 
     strong through arms from Russia, and to become economically 
     powerful through ties to the West. It cannot have it both 
     ways.
       Baroness Margaret Thatcher said it best last August in 
     Aspen, Colorado: ``So what does history teach us? To me the 
     most significant lesson is: Never appease an aggressor. If we 
     do, he will only grow stronger and more confident, and to 
     secure his ultimate defeat will require greater effort and 
     greater sacrifice.''
       The lessons of history are clear. Those who fail to learn 
     from mistakes of history are bound to repeat them. For our 
     part, the Albanians of Kosova would like to continue to 
     peacefully pursue freedom, justice and democracy. This is our 
     hope. This is our intention.

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