[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E816-E817]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

ICELANDIC FOREIGN MINISTER ON NATO

______

HON. GERALD B.H. SOLOMON

of new york

in the house of representatives

Thursday, May 1, 1997

Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from a meeting of the
heads of delegations to the North Atlantic Assembly in Reykjavik,
Iceland, where Icelandic Foreign Minister Halldor Asgrimsson delivered
a remarkable speech on the future of the North Atlantic Alliance.
I am inserting the text of the speech into the Congressional Record
and commend it to the attention of Members.

Speech by HE Halldor Asgrimsson, Minister for Foreign Affairs and
External Trade--April 5, 1997

Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great pleasure to welcome
representatives of the North Atlantic Assembly to Iceland. We
are proud to be one of the founding members of NATO, an
institution of unrivalled importance to Icelandic, European
and, most importantly, Trans-Atlantic security.
Through membership of NATO Iceland shares its fate with its
allies. In fact, we like to think of Iceland's membership in
NATO as the very embodiment of the Trans-Atlantic link.
To reinforce our security we have since 1951 had a
bilateral defense agreement with the United States, pursuant
to the North Atlantic Treaty. The defence of Iceland's
sovereignty has thereby been based on a credible US military
presence and robust reinforcement plans. It is my strong
belief that this agreement has been to the mutual benefit of
both countries and served to increase allied security as a
whole.
The post-cold war era has called for some adjustments in
our bilateral defence cooperation as reflected by the changed
security environment in Europe and the North Atlantic. This
has been achieved by a special understanding, or ``Agreed
Minute'' signed one year ago, which sets the force levels at
Keflavik to the bare minimum of what we consider credible
defences for this country.
The nature of the threat our Alliance is faced with has
changed, but the risks are still there. Russia's Northern
fleet is still a force to reckon with, and is of growing
importance to Russia's overall military capability and its
status as a major power.
I do not wish to issue any gloomy predictions as regards
future developments in that great and important country and
most sincerely hope to see Russia develop as a prosperous
democracy with a strong and lasting partnership with the
west. But we have to be aware of the fact that there is still
a level of uncertainty about Russia's future course.
The NATO base at Keflavik offers an excellent
infrastructure and operational capability to preserve the
security functions needed in this part of the world.
The crucial element here is the continuation of one of the
basic principles of our Alliance, the indivisibility of
security for the member states. This principle becomes all
the more important now when we are taking the first steps
towards accepting new members.
Ladies and Gentlemen, we have today the opportunity of
creating a Europe whole and free, a goal that eluded us for
over forty years due to the post war division of Europe, and
Cold War rivalry. The profound changes and transformation
that started in 1989 continue. Fortunately these have, on the
whole, been positive.
Still terrifying events have also occurred of scale and
cruelty we thought belonged to Europe's past and the post-
cold war era has brought new risks and challenges as well as
new opportunities.
I believe there are several collective lessons that can be
learned from the events since 1989. One is that peace is not
to be taken for granted. Another is that despite overall
progress, people in our part of the world are still capable
of inflicting pain and suffering on fellow human beings. A
third, and fundamental lesson, is that the North Atlantic
Alliance and the Trans-Atlantic link remain the base of our
collective security now that we take on new security
challenges that threaten peace and stability in our region.
1997 will be a landmark year for our alliance. The current
issues we commonly face are of profound importance for the
emerging new European Security Architecture. These are the
internal adaptation of NATO, the enlargement process, the
extended outreach to our partners through PfP and the
proposed Atlantic Partnership Council, and the strengthening
of relations with Russia and Ukraine.
The internal adaptation process is by no means easy. It is
important that throughout this transformation we do not lose
sight of our primary objective of ensuring credible Allied
defense, well into the next millennium. As the Alliance
transforms itself, we should take care not to let national
aspirations stand in the way of our mutual success.
We have seen the development of the Combined Joint Task
Force concept that makes the Alliance better suited to take
on new missions like crisis management and conflict
prevention. Also, the decision to build and reinforce a
European Security and Defense Identity within the Alliance,
and not separate from it, is a key factor in the current
adaptation. One of the objectives of the current adaptation
should be to have European allies properly engaged in the
defense structure.
At the same time the Trans-Atlantic link and a strongly
visible and credible American presence in Europe and the
command structure needs to be maintained. Nothing should be
done to undermine that. If we do that, we threaten the very
foundation of our Alliance and our common security.
Another key task facing the Alliance is the preparation for
new members. At the Summit in July, the decision on which
countries to invite to the first post-cold war enlargement of
NATO will be made. This will be the fourth time the alliance
will enlarge since its foundation.
Since the start of the enlargement process, we have seen
decisive action from many of our partners, who have expressed
their interest in membership, to fulfill membership criteria.
This in itself has had a very positive influence on European
security. Many of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe
have already concluded, or are about to conclude agreements
with their neighbors settling previously unresolved disputes.
In this way, NATO enlargement is already proving to be of
benefit to European security as a whole.
Enlargement is important to erase the artificial division
of Europe and to recognize, through concrete action, that
free independent countries have the right to choose their own
security arrangements. This right is clearly stated in the
OSCE documents and has been confirmed as recently as at the
OSCE Lisbon Summit last December. It would be totally
unacceptable if certain countries were to be defined as not
being eligible for NATO membership. In this context I would
like to draw your attention to the case of the Baltic States
and ask that their needs and aspirations receive your
goodwill and attention.
After the end of the Cold War NATO has engaged in
constructive dialogue and cooperation with its former
adversaries. In 1991 this took on concrete form with the
establishment of the North Atlantic Co-operation Council. In
1994 this co-operation and dialogue was brought to a new
level with the initiation of the Partnership for Peace
program.
PfP has proved to be one of the most effective security co-
operation programs ever, and has brought together all the
NATO allies and virtually every European country, regardless
of past or present affiliations. The experiences gained
through PfP have been vital to the success of the peace
operation in Bosnia Herzegovina.
We should enhance PfP and further strengthen co-operation
with our partners with the establishment of an Atlantic
Partnership Council. This will be especially important in
light of the Alliance's enlargement, since unfortunately, the
Alliance will not be able to accommodate all countries
aspiring for membership in the first round of post-Cold War
enlargement.
Again, in this context we must make it crystal clear that
the Alliance remains open, and that this first post Cold War
enlargement will not be the last. Furthermore, we should
ensure that countries that still see membership of NATO as
their ultimate goal will be able to co-operate and adapt to
the Alliance's mode of operation as far as possible through
the enhanced PfP and APC.
As regards those countries that do not seek membership, the
APC and enhanced PfP will

[[Page E817]]

also provide an opportunity to work constructively with NATO
to improve security and stability in Europe as a whole.
This year Iceland has the pleasure to host a robust
Partnership for Peace exercise, ``Cooperative Safeguard 97,''
the first exercise within the framework of PfP to be
conducted in here in our country.
The scenario for Cooperative Safeguard 97, focusing on
natural disaster relief, is extremely important to Iceland.
The Icelandic nation has always been at the mercy of the
forces of nature, be it earthquakes, volcanic eruptions,
avalanches or cruel seas. The exercise gives the domestic
agencies and organizations working in this field an excellent
opportunity to test their strength in international co-
operation. Furthermore it is my strong belief that all
participating partnership states will benefit greatly from
the type of civil and military co-operation which is the
backbone of the exercise.
The importance of Cooperative Safeguard 97 is not confined
to its value as a disaster relief exercise. It also has a
great political significance as a practical manifestation of
the intimate co-operation and friendly relationship that has
developed between NATO and non-NATO countries through PfP.
Twenty countries will participate. Russian participation in
the exercise is especially significant.
Russia, and Ukraine, occupy a special place in Europe and
in the outreach of the Alliance to non-members. An
independent, democratic and stable Ukraine is in all our
interests. Therefore the Alliance is in the process of
developing an effective relationship with Ukraine. I hope
this new security relationship will be formalized by the time
of the Madrid summit.
Our relations with Russia are at the same time going
through a rapid transformation. We realize and recognize
Russia's difficultly in appreciating Nato's enlargement, but
frankly it is not for Russia to decide, veto, or prevent.
We have collectively been working hard to explain to the
Russians that enlargement is not directed against the
security interests of any country and the Alliance has always
been and will continue to be defensive in nature; the
Alliance has never had any territorial aspirations. NATO
enlargement will happen not because the Alliance wants to
expand, but because the countries of Central and Eastern
Europe are exercising their sovereign right to choose their
own security arrangements.
However, a constructive participation of Russia in European
security is of fundamental importance. That is why we must
intensify and formalize our relations with Russia through a
special charter or agreement. It is very important that our
Secretary General has had the full support of all allies in
carrying out these discussions and I hope they will soon come
to a fruitful conclusion that will be of benefit to the
security of NATO, Russia and Europe as a whole.
The goal is to establish far-reaching consultative
mechanisms and opportunities for extended co-operation, and
even joint action, between Russia and the Alliance. The
Alliances' co-operation with Russia in IFOR and SFOR has
proved that facing practical problems, NATO and Russia can
work together effectively and efficiently for the benefit of
European security.
Ladies and Gentleman, I have briefly discussed Iceland and
NATO, and some of the most important tasks facing our
Alliance in the immediate future. In less than eight years we
have witnessed European security changing from confrontation
to co-operation, from hostility to partnership. This is
however no time for complacency. We need to continuously move
forward and stay alert, otherwise we risk loosing what we
have already gained. That is why the North Atlantic Alliance
will continue to be important, relevant and necessary to
ensure that peace and stability will prevail, for current and
future generations.
Finally, our Alliance is based on freedom and respect for
democratic principles, Iceland has the oldest parliament in
the world, founded almost twelve hundred years ago. We attach
great importance to the role of parliament and
parliamentarians in preserving and enhancing democracy in our
country. Likewise, the importance of democratic principles is
reflected in your valuable work in the different parliaments
of Alliance member states. As we enlarge our Alliance to
include the new democracies to our east, we will contribute
to the strengthening of freedom and democratic development
which is the key to prosperity and progress. Likewise it is
of utmost importance that the new democracies themselves make
every effort to strengthen the democratic process within as
well as respect for those principles through their actions.
Strong and viable democratic development is fundamental to
European security and stability, and of course the
enlargement of NATO.

____________________