[Pages H7649-H7653]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

SENSE OF THE CONGRESS REGARDING SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 304) expressing the sense of
the Congress regarding the culpability of Slobodan Milosevic for war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in the former Yugoslavia,
and for other purposes.
The Clerk read as follows:

H. Con. Res. 304

Whereas there is reason to mark the beginning of the
conflict in the former Yugoslavia with Slobodan Milosevic's
rise to power beginning in 1987, when he whipped up and
exploited extreme nationalism among Serbs, and specifically
in Kosovo, including support for violence against non-Serbs
who were labeled as threats;
Whereas there is reason to believe that as President of
Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic was responsible for the conception
and direction of a war of aggression, the deaths of hundreds
of thousands, the torture and rape of tens of thousands and
the forced displacement of nearly 3,000,000 people, and that
mass rape and forced impregnation were among the tools used
to wage this war;
Whereas ``ethnic cleansing'' has been carried out in the
former Yugoslavia in such a consistent and systematic way
that it had to be directed by the senior political leadership
in Serbia, and Slobodan Milosevic has held such power within
Serbia that he is responsible for the conception and
direction of this policy;
Whereas, as President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Serbia and Montenegro), Slobodan Milosevic is responsible
for the conception and direction of assaults by Yugoslavian
and Serbian military, security, special police, and other
forces on innocent

[[Page H7650]]

civilians in Kosovo which have so far resulted in an
estimated 300 people dead or missing and the forced
displacement of tens of thousands, and such assaults
continue;
Whereas on May 25, 1993, United Nations Security Council
Resolution 827 created the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia located in The Hague, the
Netherlands (hereafter in this resolution referred to as the
``Tribunal''), and gave it jurisdiction over all crimes
arising out of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia;
Whereas this Tribunal has publicly indicted 60 people for
war crimes or crimes against humanity arising out of the
conflict in the former Yugoslavia and has issued a number of
secret indictments that have only been made public upon the
apprehension of the indicted persons;
Whereas it is incumbent upon the United States and all
other nations to support the Tribunal, and the United States
has done so by providing, since 1992, funding in the amount
of $54,000,000 in assessed payments and more than $11,000,000
in voluntary and in-kind contributions to the Tribunal and
the War Crimes Commission which preceded it, and by supplying
information collected by the United States that can aid the
Tribunal's investigations, prosecutions, and adjudications;
Whereas any lasting, peaceful solution to the conflict in
the former Yugoslavia must be based upon justice for all,
including the most senior officials of the government or
governments responsible for conceiving, organizing,
initiating, directing, and sustaining the Yugoslav conflict
and whose forces have committed war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide; and
Whereas Slobodan Milosevic has been the single person who
has been in the highest government offices in an aggressor
state since before the inception of the conflict in the
former Yugoslavia, who has had the power to decide for peace
and instead decided for war, who has had the power to
minimize illegal actions by subordinates and allies and hold
responsible those who committed such actions, but did not,
and who is once again directing a campaign of ethnic
cleansing against innocent civilians in Kosovo while treating
with contempt international efforts to achieve a fair and
peaceful settlement to the question of the future status of
Kosovo: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that--
(1) the United States should publicly declare that it
considers that there is reason to believe that Slobodan
Milosevic, President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Serbia and Montenegro), has committed war crimes, crimes
against humanity and genocide;
(2) the United States should make collection of information
that can be supplied to the Tribunal for use as evidence to
support an indictment and trial of President Slobodan
Milosevic for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and
genocide a high priority;
(3) any such information concerning President Slobodan
Milosevic already collected by the United States should be
provided to the Tribunal as soon as possible;
(4) the United States should provide a fair share of any
additional financial or personnel resources that may be
required by the Tribunal in order to enable the Tribunal to
adequately address preparation for, indictment of,
prosecution of, and adjudication of allegations of war crimes
and crimes against humanity posed against President Slobodan
Milosevic and any other person arising from the conflict in
the former Yugoslavia, including in Kosovo;
(5) the United States should engage with other members of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and other interested
states in a discussion of information any such state may hold
relating to allegations of war crimes and crimes against
humanity posed against President Slobodan Milosevic and any
other person arising from the conflict in the former
Yugoslavia, including in Kosovo, and press such states to
promptly provide all such information to the Tribunal;
(6) the United States should engage with other members of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and other interested
states in a discussion of measures to be taken to apprehend
indicted war criminals and persons indicted for crimes
against humanity with the objective of concluding a plan of
action that will result in these indictees' prompt delivery
into the custody of the Tribunal; and
(7) the United States should urge the Tribunal to promptly
review all information relating to President Slobodan
Milosevic's possible criminal culpability for conceiving,
directing, and sustaining a variety of actions in the former
Yugoslavia, including Kosovo, that have had the effect of
genocide, of other crimes against humanity, or of war crimes,
with a view toward prompt issuance of a public indictment of
Milosevic.
Sec. 2. The Clerk of the House of Representatives shall
transmit a copy of this resolution to the President.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hamilton)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter).
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, for most of this year, we have witnessed a repeat of the
carnage and the havoc that the world experienced during the conflict in
the former Yugoslavia at the beginning of the decade. Some people, not
this Member, had a degree of optimism with the signing of the Dayton
Peace Agreement some 3 years ago. However, now once again we are faced
with the tragic spectacle of hundreds of thousands of innocent
civilians made homeless, towns and villages in ruins, unknown numbers
of persons dead or missing in Kosovo.
The architect of this misery is of Slobodan Milosevic, the very same
individual who produced the Bosnian tragedy or at least contributed
mightily to it and presided over the dissolution of what was once
Yugoslavia, who brought poverty and misery to his own Serbian people by
his policy and actions and who has sown the seeds of strident
nationalism throughout the Balkans. Yet, despite this disgraceful
record and his undeniable responsibility for what has occurred in the
former Yugoslavia and what continues to this very day, the
international community has been hesitant to indict Milosevic for
crimes at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia, ICTY.
The distinguished chairman of our Subcommittee on International
Operations and Human Rights, our distinguished colleague, the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), has introduced a resolution that simply
puts the Congress on record that if anyone deserves to be indicted, it
is Slobodan Milosevic.

{time} 1315

An identical measure, S. Con. Res. 105, passed the Senate in July. We
need to put Milosevic, and others who may be responsible for the
savagery in Kosovo, on notice that they cannot escape culpability. It
is important that Milosevic fully understands that the Congress is
supportive of U.S. efforts to curb his vicious assaults on ethnic
Albanian civilians in that area. Whatever his reasons, wanton attacks
on civilians constitutes a grave breach of international law.
Our chairman, the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman)
has also called upon Secretary Albright to provide whatever
collaborative information the U.S. might possess regarding any
atrocities in Kosovo. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) is
requesting a review of the options, that the administration is prepared
to pursue to make Mr. Milosevic cooperate with the international
efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need in Kosovo,
and to permit displaced persons to return to their homes in safety.
Mr. Speaker, I understand Chairman Gilman is awaiting the Secretary's
response in view of the mounting severity of the situation and the
approach of winter. Unless the United States and the international
community acts swiftly in the next few weeks, we face the prospect of
hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, women, children, and the
elderly, becoming ill and dying in the cold which will soon set in the
mountains of Kosovo.
Mr. Speaker, this is unacceptable, of course, and we must act now to
prevent such a catastrophe. It is imperative that the House join our
colleagues in the Senate and agree to this resolution today in order to
send a strong message that Milosevic is accountable. I urge my
colleagues to unanimously support H. Con. Res. 304.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) the author of the resolution.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Nebraska (Chairman Bereuter), my good friend, for his excellent remarks
and for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, the newspapers each day report on the brutality and the
military attacks on the civilians in Kosovo, and the prospects of a
rising death toll are more and more likely unless we press for a cease-
fire and make certain that Milosevic understands that we will not allow
the situation to drag on and on.
The news from the Kosovo front seems like deja vu, reminiscent of the
wars in Croatia and Bosnia. The common thread in all of this
destruction and war is Slobodan Milosevic. Today, Congress can go on
record. Slobodan

[[Page H7651]]

Milosevic must be held accountable for war crimes against humanity and
genocide. The United States leadership must not ignore the compelling
case of complicity which has been compiled against Milosevic.
In the prima facie case for Milosevic's indictment prepared by Paul
Williams and Norman Cigar, they conclude that this, and I quote, ``is a
compelling and legal factual case that Slobodan Milosevic, through
forces and agencies under his control, is responsible for directing and
aiding and abetting war crimes on an extensive scale.''
The prima facie case focuses on evidence from years of both the
Croatian war and the Bosnian war. Mr. Williams directs the Public
International Law and Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, and Dr. Cigar, a research fellow at the Balkan
Institute, was professor of national security studies at the U.S.
Marine Corps School of Advanced Warfighting in Quantico, Virginia, and
a senior political-military analyst for the Army Staff at the Pentagon.
For the benefit of my colleagues, I submit a summary of their statement
for the Record:

War Crimes and Individual Responsibility: A Prima Facie Case for the
Indictment of Slobodan Milosevic

(Prepared by Paul Williams and Norman Cigar, The Balkan Institute)

executive summary

When queried as to whether Slobodan Milosevic is ultimately
responsible for the widespread and systematic atrocities that
have been committed in the former Yugoslavia, most policy-
makers will readily indicate that of course everyone
``knows'' that Slobodan Milosevic is responsible for the
worst atrocities to plague Europe since WWII. They often add,
however, that there is simply no ``proof'' that he ordered
the commission of these atrocities.
Recognizing that it is not possible to orchestrate ethnic
cleansing and genocide on the scale that has occurred in the
former Yugoslavia without leaving some proof of one's
responsibility, this study seeks to examine whether there is
sufficient information available in the public domain to
establish a prima facie case that Slobodan Milosevic is
individually responsible for the commission of war crimes in
the former Yugoslavia.
In order to ascertain Slobodan Milosevic's individual
responsibility for war crimes, this study does not seek to
develop any creative legal devices for attaching liability,
but rather limits itself strictly to legal avenues as set
forth in the statute, rules of procedure and evidence, and
the previous indictments of the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Similarly, the study
relies upon information that is widely available in the
public domain, including accounts from senior Serb
paramilitary leaders--such as ``Arkan'' and Vojislav Seselj--
and officials in Slobodan Milosevic's own government, as well
as information collected by international organizations and
foreign governments.
Based upon an examination of the legal precedent of the
International Criminal Tribunal and the publicly available
evidence, this study concludes that there is a compelling
legal and factual case that Slobodan Milosevic, through
forces and agencies under his control, is responsible for
directing and aiding and abetting war crimes on an extensive
scale. Specifically;
Yugoslav Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and agencies
and their paramilitary agents committed widespread atrocities
in Croatia and Bosnia against both civilians and prisoners of
war. These atrocities included the criminal acts of killing,
expulsion, rape, detention in concentration camps, forced
labor, torture, mutilation, and the looting and destruction
of property. All of these acts were perpetrated on a large
scale, and often with severe brutality.
Slobodan Milosevic, by virtue of his formal positions and
informal power base, exercised power, influence, and control
over the Yugoslav Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and
agencies and their paramilitary agents responsible for the
commission of war crimes.
By virtue of Slobodan Milosevic's official and/or effective
control over forces responsible for the commission of war
crimes, he may be held individually responsible for ordering,
planning, or instigating those crimes.
By virtue of Slobodan Milosevic's official and/or effective
control over Serbian Republic forces and agencies, such as
Serbia's Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Internal
Affairs, that were active in the initial organization of
Serbian paramilitary agents, including the provision of
financial resources and weapons, and that provided their
paramilitary agents with access to Croatia and Bosnia,
Slobodan Milosevic may properly be held individually
responsible for the war crime of aiding and abetting the
commission of war crimes.
Slobodan Milosevic, as the superior authority over Yugoslav
Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and agencies, is
individually responsible for failing to prevent or punish
their commission of war crimes.
This study therefore finds that it is possible and
reasonable to construct a prima facie case for the indictment
of Slobodan Milosevic for the commission of war crimes in the
former Yugoslavia.

Mr. Speaker, the evidence of war crimes, brutal killings, and other
atrocities in Kosovo is, as I said, mounting with each and every
passing day.
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor,
John Shattuck, just returned in recent days from Kosovo. He makes a
compelling case that, and I quote, ``there is substantial evidence of
war crimes and crimes against humanity, and violations of international
humanitarian law * * * [which are] * * * subject to the jurisdiction of
the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.''
Mr. Shattuck was accompanied by former Senator Bob Dole, head of the
International Commission on Missing Persons in the former Yugoslavia.
In Mr. Dole's opinion editorial printed in today's Washington Post, he
reminds us that ``American officials have pledged not to allow the
crimes against humanity that we witnessed in Bosnia to be repeated in
Kosovo. From what [Mr. Dole] has seen, such crimes are already
occurring,'' as he writes in the op-ed today. In fact, I would like to
submit his very moving piece for the Record as well.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Dole recounts a scene that is reminiscent of my own
experience with Mr. Milosevic when the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Wolf) and I met with him in Belgrade in September of 1991. At that
time, Milosevic claimed that Yugoslav forces were not sending military
jets to threaten and bomb Croatia, and yet both the gentleman from
Virginia and I had personally witnessed overflights by two Yugoslav MIG
fighters a couple of days before in the besieged town of Vukovar. In
fact, in order to get to that town, we had to go through a corn field
because it was surrounded by tanks and artillery and snipers. We saw
devastated schools and churches and homes that had been leveled in a
``scorched earth'' policy. A couple of days later when we met with Mr.
Milosevic, he denied it all and we had been eyewitnesses to it all.
Mr. Dole, in a like fashion, reports that Milosevic denied any
Serbian offensives were being planned or undertaken for Kosovo. Not 24
hours after Mr. Dole and Mr. Shattuck departed, Serbian troops began a
destructive offensive in the region of Pec. Milosevic thinks he can get
away with lying. Certainly to date, the Serbian forces have escaped the
scrutiny of the International Criminal Tribunal, and we need to make
sure that does not continue to happen.
Mr. Speaker, the chief prosecutor, Louise Arbour, has already stated
that the ``nature and scale of the fighting [in Kosovo] indicate that
an armed conflict, within the meaning of international law, clearly
exists in Kosovo.'' As a consequence, she has said she intends to bring
charges for crimes against humanity or war crimes if such evidence is
established.
Mr. Speaker, I believe the case for the commission of war crimes will
be made easily when the political will is established to proceed down
that path, and so far that has been lacking. While the resolution we
are considering today focuses on Milosevic and his culpability, there
are a multitude of others who are on the run, some in Serbia. Even in
recent weeks the Department of State has publicly admitted the United
States has reason to believe that Mladic is in Serbia and the United
States continues to pressure Milosevic to surrender the three Yugoslav
military members who were indicted by the Tribunal for their
involvement in the destruction and crimes in Vukovar.
Mr. Speaker, Milosevic needs to get the message loudly and clearly.
The resolution calls for the U.S. to collect and provide evidence of
Milosevic's culpability to the International War Crimes Tribunal, and
to date, to the best of our knowledge, we have not done so. The measure
affirms Congress' support for the Tribunal and calls on the U.S. to
engage our NATO allies in the provision of evidence helpful in the work
of the Tribunal.
Mr. Speaker, I would alert Members that we are working to have a
hearing on what is going on in Kosovo in the Helsinki Commission on
Thursday. We hope to have Mr. Dole and Mr.

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Shattuck testify. We are working on the details of that right now.
This resolution, which I hope will pass unanimously, will put us
clearly on record as saying let us collect that evidence and get it to
the Tribunal. Let us stop putting the evidence aside, which is what we
have been doing for all of these months and years with regard to
Milosevic.
Mr. Speaker, innocent civilians--women, children, and men--are losing
their lives, their livestock, their homes and their hope. We are
getting reports that Serbian forces are attacking and killing civilians
and then food supplies are being destroyed and crops in the field are
being torched. A couple of weeks ago, three members of the Mother
Theresa Society who were driving tractors and trailers filled with
relief supplies were killed when attacked by a Serbian armored vehicle.
Serbian officials had shortly before cleared the relief vehicles at a
checkpoint. The relief had been provided by Doctors of the World which
has since announced suspension of its assistance in Kosovo.
The Christian Science Monitor quoted a Kosovar school teacher,
``First the police destroyed and looted our houses * * * Then they
surrounded us with tanks and separated the men from the women and
children. They beat the men and took them away.'' With the blockade of
humanitarian assistance and the scorched earth policies of the armed
forces, food and provisions are being used as weapons of the war.
Mr. Speaker, I agree with Mr. Dole that Kosovo ``is a political and
military crisis, whose most visible symptoms are humanitarian. There
should be no doubt that this is a war against civilians for political
purposes.'' Just last week, Julia Taft, Assistant Secretary of State
for Population, Refugees and Migration estimated that we will see
100,000 to 200,000 casualties in the next few months if the fighting
and attacks are not brought to an abrupt end. With winter approaching,
the hundreds of thousands of homeless and the estimated 50,000 or so
who are living in the fields and forests will be particularly
vulnerable. The numbers will only escalate.
I encourage the House to unanimously approve the resolution before
us.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume
only to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) on his
excellent statement and on his initiative.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Smith) for his leadership on this issue, and I am proud to join in
support of this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important we provide some background as to
how the Congress got to the point where we are now considering
declaring the President of Yugoslavia a war criminal. This process took
many years.
It was years ago, visiting the Province of Kosovo, that I met time
and time again with a frail, peace-loving scholar of enormous
capabilities and deep convictions, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, who was and
continues to be the leader of the ethnic Albanian community in Kosovo.
This was at a time when the problems of Kosovo could have been worked
out peacefully without bloodshed, without the vast numbers of innocent
victims, without the hundreds of thousands of refugees. But, Slobodan
Milosevic's ruthless, reckless, irresponsible behavior brought us to
the point of a bloodbath in Bosnia and now a bloodbath in Kosovo.
Fairness compels us, Mr. Speaker, to state categorically that
Slobodan Milosevic is not the only person guilty of war crimes in the
former Yugoslavia. There is plenty of guilt to go around and some
leaders of all of the ethnic groups qualify for that designation. But
today we are dealing with Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav communist
dictator who richly deserves to be branded a war criminal by the
Congress of the United States.
Mr. Speaker, I also want to express my personal appreciation to
former Senator Bob Dole for having visited this region just within the
last week or so, demonstrating his continued commitment to human rights
and the creation of democratic societies in the Balkans.
The United States, in this resolution, publicly declares that there
is reason to believe that Slobodan Milosevic, President of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, has committed war crimes, crimes against
humanity, and genocide.
These, unfortunately, are incontrovertible facts, and I join the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) in expressing the hope that this
body will approve this resolution unanimously.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman
from California (Mr. Lantos), my good friend and colleague, the ranking
member of the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human
Rights, for his very eloquent statement. Sometimes there are
differences of opinion, Democrats and Republicans. But when it comes to
human rights, we do link arm and arm. We have worked very well together
over the years, and nowhere is that more apparent than in the Balkans
and now with Kosovo being an area under siege.
Mr. Speaker, people literally are dying by the thousands. Refugees
are in flight across and through Albania and elsewhere. I think we need
to send as clear a message. Milosevic is laughing in our face. He has
gotten away with it before. He has been, quote, our partner in peace at
the Dayton Peace Accords. Regrettably, he gained stature through that
and his gross misdeeds have been put under the table.
This resolution, and the fact that it has passed on the Senate side
as well, I think puts everyone on notice that we will push hard until
he is brought to justice. And I want to thank the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) for his excellent statement.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume,
simply to conclude by saying congratulations and to commend the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for sponsoring this legislation.
He has brought to bear his considerable knowledge and experience in
this region in an extraordinary fashion, working very cooperatively
with the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and other colleagues.
Joining the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) as original
cosponsors were the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Porter) the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the gentleman from Hawaii (Mr.
Abercrombie), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Brown), the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Brown), the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) and others.
So, Mr. Speaker, I do thank my colleagues, and to the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) I
say thank you for your excellent work. I urge my colleagues to give
their unanimous support to this resolution.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, for most of this year we have witnessed a
repeat of the carnage and havoc that the world experienced during the
conflict in the former Yugoslavia at the beginning of this decade. We
took some pride when we believed that conflict to have been ended with
the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement some three years ago. Now,
once again, we are faced with the tragic spectacle of hundreds of
thousands of innocent civilians made homeless, towns and villages in
ruins, unknown numbers of persons dead or missing in Kosovo.
The architect of this misery is Slobodan Molosevic, the very same
individual who produced the Bosnian tragedy, and who presided over the
dissolution of what was one Yugoslavia; who brought poverty and misery
to his own Serbian people, and who has sown the seeds of strident
nationalism throughout the Balkans.
The distinguished Chairman of our Subcommittee on International
Operations and Human Rights, the gentleman from New Jersey, Chris Smith
has introduced a Resolution that puts the Congress on record that if
anyone deserves to be indicted it is Slobodan Milosevic. An identical
measure, S. Con. Res. 105, passed the Senate in July. We need to put
Milosevic and others who may be responsible for the savagery in Kosovo
on notice that they cannot escape culpability.
I commend to everyone's attention the article by Senator Bob Dole in
the Op-Ed section of today's Washington Post. Senator Dole just
returned from a fact-finding mission in Kosovo. I quote from his
article, ``The war in Kosovo has many of the worst characteristics of
the war in Bosnia. The primary victims of Serbian attacks are
civilians. Humanitarian workers are denied access and often harassed
and attacked. But it is not just the situation on the

[[Page H7653]]

ground that is hauntingly familiar; it is also American and European
diplomacy.''
``Once again the victims are being asked to negotiate with those who
are attacking them. In addition, there is an active attempt to impose a
moral equivalence between Serbian forces and the small band of
Albanians who have taken up arms against them.''
I have written today to President Clinton the following letter:

Dear Mr. President: The on-going conflict in Kosovo has
produced over a quarter of a million refugees and internally
displaced persons--women, children and the elderly--who have
been driven from their homes by a brutal Serbian campaign
that has haunting similarities to what occurred in Bosnia
earlier this decade. The President of Serbia and Montenegro,
Slobodan Milosevic, has failed to keep his pledges and
assurances throughout the course of this year to U.S. and
other diplomats to permit these people to return in safety to
their homes. Now, as the winter is fast approaching, we are
facing an impending humanitarian disaster with the real
prospect of seeing tens of thousands of vulnerable people
freezing to death on the mountains and in the forests of
Kosovo.
Mr. President, you have said that the United States would
not permit another Bosnia to occur in the Balkans. I am
appealing to you now, before it is too late, to keep faith
with that commitment. It is imperative that the United
States, with or without other members of the international
community, act to force Milosevic to end his barbaric
policies aimed at civilians in Kosovo. What we are witnessing
now is not a diplomatic, political or military problem, it is
a humanitarian one and we should address it on that basis.
As Senator Bob Dole has written in today's edition of the
Washington Post:
``Half-measures and interim deals will not do. * * *
American officials have pledged not to allow the crimes
against humanity that we witnessed in Bosnia to be repeated
in Kosovo. * * * What is urgently needed now is American
leadership and a firm commitment to a genuine and just
peace.''

It is important that Milosevic fully understands that the Congress is
supportive of U.S. efforts to curb his vicious assaults on Albanian
civilians. Whatever his reasons, wanton attack on civilians constitutes
a grave breach of international law.
It is critical, therefore, that the House joins our colleagues in the
Senate and agree to this resolution today in order to send a strong
message that Milosevic is accountable. Accordingly, I urge our members
to support House Concurrent Resolution 304.
Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, with so much legislative business
left to conduct this session, there may be some who are wondering why
we should care about Slobodan Milosevic.
We should care because on March 23, 1989, Slobodan Milosevic
unilaterally changed the Yugoslav Constitution, revoking the autonomous
status of Kosova.
We should care because, in a referendum held in 1989, 87 percent of
those Kosovars eligible to vote approved independence by an
overwhelming 99 percent.
We should care because two of the most devastating wars in history
began in the Balkans.
But most importantly, Mr. Speaker, we should care because Slobodan
Milosevic has initiated his second genocidal campaign to maintain his
dictatorship through terror.
When Milosevic sought to tighten his grip in Bosnia the world stood
by and watched. We watched as Milosevic drove three million Bosnians
from their homes. We watched as Milosevic ordered the killing of more
than 250,000 Bosnians. And we watched as Milosevic directed the rape of
40,000 Bosnian women and girls.
How long will we watch in Kosova?
Although 90 percent of Kosovars are ethnically Albanian, Milosevic
has denied them entry to schools, he has denied them access to jobs,
and he has denied them access to government. By instituting his own
police force, he has entrenched his generals of genocide in every
Kosovan community.
A recent Washington Post story tells of one home in Kosova. The home
was burning to the ground. Reporters saw Milosevic's police force
running from the scene. When asked how the fire started, one officer
grinned and replied that the house was burning ``Because it was made of
wood.''
The Butcher of Belgrade is at it again. By inciting the worst
elements of Serbian nationalism and by exploiting existing tensions
between Albanians and Serbs, Milosevic has driven as many as 200,000
Kosovars from their homes. Mass graves are again common in the Balkans.
Civilians are being butchered when they can be caught and terrorized
when they escape.
There can be no doubt that Milosevic has proven he is unworthy of
stewardship over this place. It is incumbent upon us to ensure that he
is held accountable for these atrocities and that he never commits them
again.
Mr. Speaker, if we believe people have the right to be safe and
secure in their homes--if we believe people have the right to live free
from the fear of being murdered or raped because of their race--then we
must stop this madman.
I urge my colleagues to join me in strong support of this resolution.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support House Concurrent
Resolution 304, which expresses the sense of Congress that the United
States should publicly declare that it considers there to be probable
cause that Slobodan Milosevic has committed war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide. The resolution urges the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to promptly review all information
relating to Milosevic's possible criminal culpability with a view
toward issuing an indictment. I am proud to be a cosponsor of this
resolution
Mr. Speaker, there is no justification for the massacre of hundreds
of ethnic Albanians in Kosova. The pattern in Kosova is tragically all
too familiar. The Serbian Army shells and burns villages. Among the
dead are innocent men, women and children. More than a quarter of a
million people in Kosova have already been driven from their homes
since February. In addition, the U.S. government has received first-
hand reports that Yugoslav military forces are separating males and
females in villages and refugee groups in Losova and taking the men and
boys to unknown sites.
This brutal, indiscriminate, disproportionate and unjustified use of
violence must end. What Mr. Milosevic is about in Kosova, as in Bosnia
before this, is ethnic cleansing on a massive scale.
It is important that the international community stand united against
death and destruction inflicted on Kosova by Serbia. The crisis in
Kosova is not--as some have described it--an ``internal affair'' of
Serbia. We must speak loudly and clearly. More than that, the time has
come to back up words with actions. If the United States and the
international community fail to take effective action to stop the
violence in Kosova, the likelihood is that the conflict will grow and
spread.
I urge the President and Secretary Albright to take a hard line
against Slobodan Milosevic's repressive policies. To that end, I
recently joined more than 80 concerned Members of the House in writing
a letter to the President that said, ``It is time to send a message to
Milosevic that NATO will intervene if Serbian forces do not stop
attacking ethnic Albanian citizens and destroying their villages.''
Experience has shown that we cannot rely on Slobodan Milosevic's
words. We must judge him by his actions and hold him accountable. House
Concurrent Resolution 304 is an important step in that direction. It
should by no means be the last step.
The horrendous killing and shelling of civilians must stop. I urge
all my colleagues to support House Concurrent Resolution 304.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Petri). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res.
304.
The question was taken.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceeding on this motion will be
postponed.

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