[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1237-E1238]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

``LET'S KEEP CHINESE SPYING IN PERSPECTIVE''

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HON. PHILIP M. CRANE

of illinois

in the house of representatives

Monday, June 14, 1999

Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, as evidenced by the debate in the House, all
of us have serious concerns about the espionage activities that
resulted in the theft of U.S. military secrets. On a daily basis, as
Chairman of the Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, I discuss, and
contemplate, the complex but critically important issues involving the
United States and the People's Republic of China. In my discussions, I
try to articulate what I believe should be our response to the
situation in which we find ourselves. However, I had not found a
written piece that provided a reasoned and concise response to the
allegations of spying until I read an opinion written by former
President Jimmy Carter in the May 28th edition of USA Today. I
completely agree with his views and I strongly urge my colleagues to
read his comments which I have included for the Record.

[From the USA Today, May 28, 1999]

Let's Keep Chinese Spying in Perspective

(By Jimmy Carter)

Recent revelations about Chinese espionage are a
justifiable cause for alarm among all those who are concerned
about the protection of America's military secrets. But it is
also important to keep this issue in perspective as it
affects already strained U.S.-Sino relations and to remember
how nations traditionally react to security breaches.
The bipartisan report of the House select committee, which
seems to be thorough and accurate, warrants immediate
corrective action and, as a secondary priority, an effort to
affix blame on those who may have violated the law or been
derelict in their duties. However, the revelations have also
aroused reactions that are ill-advised, counterproductive

[[Page E1238]]

and could subvert the potential benefits of the committee's
good work. There are unfounded allegations by both Democrats
and Republicans against each other, obviously designed for
partisan advantage. Some other American leaders, who have
habitually demonstrated animosity toward the People's
Republic of China, have attempted to drive a deeper wedge
between our two countries at what is already a troubled time.

A confused policy toward China

At best, U.S. policy toward China is very confusing, at
least to the Chinese, both because of uncertainties within
the administration and because of highly publicized
differences between the White House and Congress on how to
address the issues of Taiwan, human rights, trade and the
sharing of political responsibilities in Asia. The bombing of
the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, has further
exacerbated the troubled relationship. This regrettable
incident also has injected China, as a permanent member of
the U.N. Security Council, into the potential role of
negotiating a peaceful resolution of the Kosovo crisis.
It is clear that much is at stake--for both U.S.-China and
global relations. So let's consider some facts about
espionage. There are few, if any, nations that would not take
advantage of opportunities to learn withheld secrets that
could contribute to their military, political or economic
advantage. In fact, although the select committee's attention
was focused exclusively on China, it would be surprising if
Russia and other nations have not also benefited from the lax
policies at our nuclear research laboratories.
The United States certainly seeks to learn what other
nations are doing, and we use surreptitious means, if
necessary, to glean this information. Only recently, the
celebrated case of Jonathan Pollard has proved this premise.
Pollard was found guilty of delivering, over a period of
years, some of our most valuable secrets to Israel, our
strongest and most reliable ally in the Middle East.
The standard reaction to cases of this kind is to arrest
and punish severely American citizens who have committed such
treasonous acts, but not to impose penalties on the country
that benefited from them. If a foreign spy is caught in our
nation, the response is to expel the guilty person and
perhaps to include others who are suspect or diplomatically
sensitive. When I was president, we even swapped guilty
Soviet spies for the freedom of some human-rights heroes who
were incarcerated in Siberia.
In addition to spying among nations, a major field of
espionage is in the commercial world, where France and other
advanced nations avidly seek secret information from American
business firms--and vice versa.

Handle guilty parties as in the past

In the current case, no one has been arrested for
espionage, and there is no indication that such arrests are
imminent. If guilty parties are revealed, they should be
handled in the time-honored way.
This still leaves the question of China's improper use of
the secret information, either to threaten us directly or to
channel advanced weapons to others who might attack the
United States. The House committee leaders make clear that
the Chinese have not tested or deployed missiles or warheads
that include the most advanced technology. In fact, the
People's Republic of China has committed itself to complying
with the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and any testing of warheads
would be considered a serious violation of international law.
Revelations of spying should lead to legal action against
any convicted American spies and to the treatment of
international relations in a customary and historical manner.
The past 20 years of diplomatic relations have been extremely
valuable to both our nations and to peace, stability and
economic progress in Asia. These advantages must not be
endangered as we correct the mistakes that have been made by
both Democratic and Republican administrations.
My hope is that our government can exhibit as much wisdom,
judgment, effectiveness and bipartisan cooperation as has
been demonstrated by the select committee.

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