[Pages H6889-H6954]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[[Page H6889]]
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
House of Representatives
THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE, FOREIGN OPERATIONS AND RELATED PROGRAMS
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2008--Continued
{time} 1645
And so I say very respectfully, the American people don't want to see
their tax dollars used to fund abortion overseas, and the American
people don't want to see their taxpayer dollars used to make in-kind
contributions to organizations that fund abortion and promote abortion
as well.
Mrs. LOWEY. I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Connecticut.
Ms. DeLAURO. Chairwoman Lowey has made it perfectly clear her intent
to allow only for the provision of donated contraceptives. Some of our
colleagues have expressed concerns that the language, as currently
written, could be interpreted more broadly than intended. Therefore,
Chairwoman Lowey is offering this amendment to clarify this provision.
This amendment is crystal clear, my friends. It would only allow
nongovernmental organizations to receive U.S. donated contraceptives,
not funds, for distribution to millions of men and women in desperate
need of these products.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot reduce abortions without contraception. That
is a fact. Contraception is about prevention. My colleagues on the
other side of the aisle want to talk about prevention, that is the
focus of this amendment.
And let me just say this to all of my colleagues; for those in this
body who proclaim to want to protect lives and to save lives and that
is your mission, you have but one choice in this debate, and that is to
support the Lowey amendment.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I have one more speaker in this round.
The gentlelady has the right to close, is that correct?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia who is in opposition to the
amendment has the right to close.
Mr. WOLF. Would the gentlewoman like to proceed, then?
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I thank the gentlelady.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to make one point. We heard the word
``fungible'' and ``fungibility'' more than once today. I just want to
apply that logic to China because we've heard about China today.
According to the logic of money being fungible, all of the money that
our friends on the other side over the past 6 years who have borrowed
from China, allowed China to make money on the interest, and therefore
use that money to have forced abortions in China, that's fungible.
Mr. Chairman, I wish the other side was as concerned about forced
abortions in China when they were busting the budget over the last 6
years.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin).
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman is reminded that she is not allowed to
yield blocks of time. She is allowed to yield time, but not in set
amounts.
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield to the gentleman from Rhode Island.
Mr. LANGEVIN. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I am grateful to have this opportunity to rise in
support of the Lowey amendment.
I share Chairwoman Lowey's concerns about the lack of access to
contraceptives, the lifesaving tool for disease prevention in the
developing word.
The World Health Organization estimates that 80 million women face
unwanted pregnancies each year. More than 150 million couples have no
access to family planning, and more than 75,000 women die each year due
to complications related to unsafe abortion. These staggering
statistics reflect the dire situation in countries such as Ghana,
Ethiopia, Romania and many others as nations struggle to provide health
care and basic services to their citizens.
It is a tragedy that 24.5 million people are living with HIV in sub-
Saharan Africa, where more than 12 million children have been orphaned
by AIDS. I know that I speak for the vast majority of Americans when I
say that we have a responsibility to respond to this crisis.
Like so many of my colleagues, I am opposed to abortion. And this
position compels me to work to promote access to contraception and
other methods of pregnancy prevention. I also feel that being pro-life
means working to protect life at all stages, and to alleviate suffering
wherever I am able to do so is an important priority. Rarely has the
world known such intense suffering as that faced by sub-Saharan Africa
today.
Mr. Chairman, we must do everything in our power to ensure that the
money we spend on international family planning, $441 million in this
bill, will be used in the most effective way. The Lowey amendment makes
sure that we do that.
I want to thank Chairwoman Lowey for her leadership.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Indiana (Mr. Souder).
(Mr. SOUDER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. SOUDER. Mr. Chairman, this debate has been crystal clear. You
know,
[[Page H6890]]
at times we've kind of passed over each other, but it isn't about
abortion. I also want to thank the gentlelady for putting clauses on
abortion in the bill. And it's not about family planning, because this
doesn't change the family planning fund.
There is only one debate here, and that is, should family planning
money go to organizations that advocate or perform abortion? And that
is really what this is about. Those organizations are restricted under
the Mexico City Policy. And that is in fact, in the view of people who
are against abortion, providing public funds if you provide the condoms
or whatever you're giving in in-kind aid.
Now, for example, as a Republican candidate, I'm not likely to get
cash funding from anybody on your side of the aisle. But I have a
feeling that if somebody donated stamps to me or donated a mailing to
me or donated things in my office, your side would view that the same
as a cash contribution. And people back home can understand that money
this direct is, in fact, fungible. We have had this debate since I've
been in Congress on faith-based. Every time the faith-based argument
comes up, your side of the aisle argues that giving money to pay for
preachers' expenses, for electricity at a Christian organization, is in
fact the same as a direct contribution to those faith-based
organizations. You can't have it both ways.
In fact, this is fungible money. The debate if you're against
abortion is, you do not believe that money should go to organizations,
taxpayer money, taken and collected from people who have a passionate
opposition to abortion as well as those who favor abortion, should go
to organizations that advocate that. If you're for abortion, you
believe that should be allowed. And that's clearly what we've
established in this debate. It's crystal clear.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, this is the article that I referred to,
Public Radio, I'll put it in the Record. It says, Morning Edition,
April 23. ``During the past week, dozens of women in southwest China
have been forced to have abortions even as late as 9 months into the
pregnancy, according to evidence uncovered by NPR.'' It goes on,
mentions a family which Liang describes how they told her that she
would have to have an abortion. ``You don't have any more room for
maneuver,'' he says they told her. ``If you don't go to the hospital,
we'll carry you.'' The couple was then driven to Youjiang district
maternity ward in Baise City. ``I was scared,'' Wei told NPR. ``The
hospital was full of women who had been brought in forcibly. There
wasn't a single spare bed. The family planning people said forced
abortions or forced sterilization were both being carried out. We saw
women being pulled in one by one.''
Now, in answer to Mr. Ryan's comment, Mr. Ryan, I led the opposition
over here in opposition to PNTR. President Clinton was one of the
biggest supporters. He accused President Bush, criticized him, and then
switched and strongly supported it.
I have sent your office, with due respect, probably 25 letters asking
you as a Blue Dog member to cosponsor a bill that I have, and I'll do
it again, on the SAFE Commission. On my SAFE Commission I have eight
Members from the Democratic Party, eight Members from the Republican
Party, and I put everything on the table, tax policy. Someone on your
side said there is no Republican over there that would do it. I put tax
policy on it. Some of my people don't like it, but we do. We also put
all the entitlements to save the country.
I agree with you. God bless you. I agree that the debt that the
Saudis hold is terrible. The debt that the Chinese hold. And I would
beg you, because I know you're a good person, I watch you in committee,
I followed your campaigns, join me in the SAFE Commission. We can get a
handle on this deficit that we have in the country. This places a
partisan political pit, and both sides are at each other.
So what I want to do is what we did on the Iraq Study Group, get
eight Republicans and eight Democrats, give 1 year, this is modeled
after David Walker, the GAO, to go around the country and educate and
talk to the American people and listen. And then we use the Base
Closing Commission concept whereby this Congress has to vote.
You're right. The amount of debt that the Chinese hold is horrible
and that the Saudis hold. And I have written you over and over. The
fact is, I will say it right now, I've been surprised that I haven't
had anybody from your side cosponsor, because I will stipulate you care
about the deficit as much as I do, maybe as a newer Member you may
actually care about it more. But I agree with you, and the SAFE
Commission is the opportunity to deal with this.
If you look at the language in the package I'll send to your office,
I put every single thing on the table. And if you would join me, I
don't know if we could pass it in this Congress or not, but I think
you're exactly right, we could help save this country because we are
living off of Chinese money and Saudi money. And keep in mind, the
Saudis funded all the madrasses up at the border. There were 15 Saudis
funding the Wahhabis. The Saudis are funding radical, anti-Christian,
anti-Semitic. So if we could come together and do that.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WOLF. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. I thank the ranking member for yielding.
I think that clearly the ranking member is one of the extraordinary
Members of this Congress, who has enormous credibility across a wide
range of issues. But I think, given that the ranking member's arguments
in committee are so substantive and so sound, I want to make it clear,
at least for Members, about the context of the debate. And if the
chairman would correct me if I'm wrong.
Many of the NGOs that we are talking about are also the same NGOs
that provide primary care in many of these villages for which the
language is directed. If we provide them with Child Survival funds, are
these medicines fungible for the same NGOs? In many of these villages
in the Third World, it's not that there are three or four doctors in
the village, it's the same doctor. There is a shortage of doctors and
nurses. It's the same doctors being sponsored by the same NGOs on the
ground in these villages. They're either providing primary care,
preventive care, making recommendations to people within the village on
how they should behave and/or what are necessary to address their
primary care issues.
If we provide them with AIDS treatments, are those same AIDS
treatments fungible? And how is it that we can sit here and argue, at
least from Washington, a different reality that is taking place on the
ground where these issues are taking place? If the chairman would
respond. I ask for the committee's indulgence.
Mr. WOLF. The gentleman's concern, and the gentleman is a very good
Member, and I appreciate when he speaks a lot of times in committee. I
agree with him, and not only do I agree in my conscience, I vote with
him, and sometimes I even speak for him. But it is an issue here of
going to the groups that are involved, and I will put a copy of the
article in the Record, but the two that I mention, and to give them the
support whereby they would do these things. I can't speak for other
people, but I think it would be wrong.
June 21, 2007
Cases of Forced Abortions Surface in China
(By Louisa Lim)
MORNING EDITION, APRIL 23, 2007.--During the past week,
dozens of women in southwest China have been forced to have
abortions even as late as nine months into the pregnancy,
according to evidence uncovered by NPR.
China's strict family planning laws permit urban married
couples to have only one child each, but in some of the
recent cases--in Guangxi Province--women say they were forced
to abort what would have been their first child because they
were unmarried. The forced abortions are all the more
shocking because family planning laws have generally been
relaxed in China, with many families having two children.
Liang Yage and his wife Wei Linrong had one child and
believed that--like many other couples--they could pay a fine
and keep their second baby. Wei was 7 months pregnant when 10
family planning officials visited her at home on April 16.
Liang describes how they told her that she would have to
have an abortion: ``You don't have any more room for
maneuver,'' he says
[[Page H6891]]
they told her. ``If you don't go [to the hospital], we'll
carry you.'' The couple was then driven to Youjiang district
maternity hospital in Baise city.
``I was scared,'' Wei told NPR. ``The hospital was full of
women who'd been brought in forcibly. There wasn't a single
spare bed. The family planning people said forced abortions
and forced sterilizations were both being carried out. We saw
women being pulled in one by one.''
The couple was given a consent agreement to sign. When
Liang refused, family planning officials signed it for him.
He and his wife are devout Christians--he is a pastor--and
they don't agree with abortion.
The officials gave Wei three injections in the lower
abdomen. Contractions started the next afternoon, and
continued for almost 16 hours. Her child was stillborn.
``I asked the doctor if it was a boy or girl,'' Wei said.
``The doctor said it was a boy. My friends who were beside me
said the baby's body was completely black. I felt desolate,
so I didn't look up to see the baby.''
Medical sources say fetuses aborted in this manner would
have been dead for some time, so the tissue is necrotic and
thus dark in color.
``The nurses dealt with the body like it was rubbish,'' Wei
said. ``They wrapped it up in a black plastic bag and threw
it in the trash.''
This was also the treatment given to the stillborn baby of
He Caigan. Family planning officials turned up at her house,
in the countryside several hours outside Baise, before dawn
on April 17 to force her to go to the hospital. This would
have been her first baby--but she hadn't married the father,
in contravention of family planning laws. She was already 9
months pregnant, just days away from delivery.
``They told me I'm too young, I couldn't keep the child and
I should have an abortion,'' she said. ``I'm too young to get
a marriage certificate--I'm only 19 and my boyfriend's only
21.''
After the forced abortion, her boyfriend left her. She said
that she's still in great physical pain and that her life had
been ruined.
An eyewitness, who requested anonymity for fear of the
consequences, said that he counted 41 occupied beds on just
one floor of the maternity hospital in Baise and that he
believed none of the women he saw had come to the hospital of
their own free will.
Coerced abortions such as these were not unusual after
China's one-child policy was first introduced in 1980. But a
law passed five years ago guarantees China's citizens a
degree of choice in family matters. When contacted for
comment, an official at China's State Commission for
Population and Family Planning said she'd heard nothing about
forced abortions in Guangxi and asked for more details. But
in Baise, a family planning official surnamed Nong
acknowledged that such behavior would violate regulations.
Despite the fact that these allegations refer to events that
happened just within the last week, he said an investigation
had already been held.
``We were very surprised to hear of these accusations,''
Nong said, ``but our investigation concluded some individuals
who were dissatisfied with our family planning policies were
fabricating stories. These facts simply don't exist. We
really love and care for women here.''
Official figures published by the Xinhua news agency shed
some light on why a forced abortion campaign might be judged
necessary. They show that the Baise government missed its
family planning targets last year. The recorded birth rate
was 13.61 percent, slightly higher than the goal of 13.5
percent. This is significant because the career prospects of
local officials depend upon meeting these goals.
Wei Linrong and her husband Liang Yage, were incensed by
their treatment, seeing it as little short of murder.
``I think their methods are too cruel,'' said Wei, ``my
heart really hurts. Such a tiny baby, it was innocent. And
they killed it.''
``Every time we talk about this child, we both cry,'' Liang
added. ``We can't bear talking about this child.''
Liang and his wife risked further official disapproval by
contacting a Christian group overseas to publicize their
plight. China may once have depended on its state apparatus
of control and fear to silence those who suffer human rights
abuses at the hands of its officials. But China's victims are
angry, and they want their voices to be heard.
Mr. TERRY. Mr. Chairman, I rise to speak in opposition to the Lowey
Amendment to the State Department and Foreign Operations Appropriations
bill. This amendment is a poison pill that will result in a veto by the
President.
The original Mexico City policy, which was emasculated in the
Appropriations Committee, prevents U.S. population assistance funds
from going to foreign organizations which ``perform or actively promote
abortion as a method of family planning.'' This was done to ensure
compliance with the long-standing law that taxpayer dollars cannot be
used to finance abortion, except in the case of rape, incest, or danger
to the life of the mother. The Stupak-Smith amendment restores the
Mexico City policy to its original intent.
On the other hand Mr. Chairman, the Lowey amendment, masks the effort
to fund pro-abortion organizations with U.S. tax dollars. This
amendment would provide economic support in the form of valuable
commodities and other items to organizations that promote and provide
abortion as a method of family planning. Additionally, this amendment
does not increase USAID funding for contraceptives, as the amendment's
supporters have claimed.
In fact, it does nothing to increase contraception and simply diverts
contraceptive commodities from organizations that DO NOT promote or
provide abortion to organizations that DO promote or provide abortion
as a method of family planning.
This ``stealth amendment'' further undermines the Mexico City policy
that President Reagan established in 1984. Prior to the implementation
of the Mexico City policy by President Reagan in 1984, organizations
which support abortion such as Planned Parenthood kept two sets of
books in order to qualify for U.S. funds: one tracking the use of
taxpayer dollars for services such as family planning counseling and
contraception distribution, and another chronicling the use of private
organization funds for abortion-related expenses. Mr. Chairman, we all
know that money is fungible. Such double bookkeeping ensured that
taxpayer dollars for family planning inevitably subsidized abortion by
freeing up more private funds for this purpose. The Mexico City policy
was adopted to stop this practice.
Mr. Chairman, while President Clinton revoked this policy, it was
reinstated by President Bush to ensure American citizens are not forced
to pay for a procedure many find morally abhorrent.
Additionally Mr. Chairman, I would like to point out to my colleagues
that the President has threatened to veto any legislation that weakens
existing pro-life protections. Opposing the Lowey amendment and
supporting the Stupak-Smith amendment will ensure that the hard work
our colleagues have put into this appropriations bill is not for
nothing.
I urge my colleagues to oppose the Lowey amendment and support the
Stupak-Smith Amendment to restore the Mexico City Policy to its
original intent.
Mr. LOEBSACK. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this
amendment and of the underlying bill, which provides overseas family
planning providers with a targeted exemption from the restrictions of
the Global Gag Rule.
As this amendment makes crystal clear, the contraceptive exemption in
this bill allows for only the provision of donated contraceptives--not
funding--to NGOs that would otherwise be barred from receiving U.S.
assistance. In so doing, this bill will provide millions of men and
women with contraceptive products.
Since President Bush reinstated the Global Gag Rule in 2001, U.S.
government shipments of contraceptives and condoms have ceased to
twenty developing countries, including Cote d'lvoire and Vietnam--two
focus countries of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.
Restricting access to U.S.-donated contraceptives and condoms is
counterproductive to our country's unprecedented commitment to the
fight against HIV/AIDS.
Furthermore, providing modern contraceptives to the 200 million women
in the developing world who desire this health care would avert 52
million unwanted pregnancies, prevent 22 million abortions, and would
keep 505,000 children from losing their mothers each year.
Put simply, contraceptives prevent unintended pregnancies which often
end in abortion, and condoms prevent the transmission of HIV/AIDS.
These facts are undisputable.
I commend Chairwoman Lowey for her willingness to offer this
amendment to clarify the legislative intent of this important
provision, and I urge my colleagues to support this amendment in order
to protect access to common-sense prevention measures that will improve
the health and well-being of individuals, families, and communities
worldwide.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from New York will be
postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey:
Strike the last proviso of section 622 of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentlewoman
[[Page H6892]]
from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 22\1/2\ minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, someday future generations of
Americans will look back on us and wonder how and why such a rich and
seemingly enlightened society, so blessed and endowed with the capacity
to protect and enhance vulnerable human life, could have instead so
aggressively promoted death to children by abortion.
They will note that we prided ourselves on our human rights rhetoric
and record, while precluding unusually all protection to the most
persecuted minority in the world today, unborn children. They will
indeed wonder why it took so long to stop just one hideous method of
death, partial-birth abortion--and why dismembering a child with sharp
knives, pulverizing a child with powerful suction devices or chemically
poisoning a baby with any number of toxic chemicals, failed to elicit
so much as a scintilla of empathy, mercy or compassion for the victims.
{time} 1700
Abortion is violence against children, Mr. Chairman. It is extreme
child abuse. It is cruelty to children. It exploits women. In America,
it has destroyed 49 million unborn babies and wounded countless numbers
of women.
Now, as in previous years, some Members of Congress want to export
the violence of abortion to Africa, Latin America and parts of Asia and
Europe by reversing the prolife Mexico City policy and by providing in-
kind assistance to some of the most vociferous pro-abortion
organizations on the Earth. To counter that, Mr. Stupak and I are
offering an amendment, to strike the pro-abortion enabling language
contained in this bill.
First announced by the Reagan administration at a 1984 U.N.
Population Conference held in Mexico City, hence its name, the current
policy simply requires that foreign nongovernmental organizations
agree, as a condition of their receipt of Federal assistance for
family-planning activities, to neither perform nor actively promote
abortion as a method of family planning.
The three exceptions in the Mexico City policy are rape, incest and
life of the mother.
Mr. Chairman, today, scores of countries throughout the world are
literally under siege in a well-coordinated, exceedingly well-funded
campaign to legalize abortion on demand, putting women and children at
risk. Most of the pressure is coming directly from foreign
nongovernmental organizations like the International Planned Parenthood
Federation based in London. IPPF and its country affiliates perform
abortions and lobby aggressively for abortion on demand.
IPPF, you will recall, in 1992 adopted an abortion manifesto called
Vision 2000, a sweeping ``action plan.'' Vision 2000 says that IPPF and
its affiliates, and I quote this, ``Will bring pressure on governments
and campaign for policy and legislative changes to remove restrictions
against abortions.'' The Mexico City policy puts a stop to enabling
IPPF and likeminded groups from doing just that.
So it couldn't be more clear, Mr. Chairman, that if we provide either
cash or in-kind contributions to abortion organizations, we empower
them and we enable them to campaign to expand abortion. Instead, we
should direct our funds and in-kind assistance, including commodities
and contraceptives, to organizations committed only to family planning.
IPPF's vision, Mr. Chairman, is what I call a nightmare. Earlier my
friend, Mr. Jackson, was talking about the least of our brethren in
found Matthew is Gospel, Chapter 25. Who in this world fits the
definition of the least of our brethren more than a helpless unborn
child who is being killed by dismemberment or chemical poison? I don't
know who. Unborn babies are the most vulnerable people on Earth, I say
to my good friend.
IPPF's vision is a world of free abortion and unfettered access to
subsidized abortion rights right up until birth. It is all in their
documents. They're for abortions for minors even without any parental
notification or consent, and they don't like conscience clauses for
doctors and health care practitioners, either.
One only has to look at Planned Parenthood here in the United States
to understand where their affiliates would take the rest of the world.
The Planned Parenthood Federation of America has, for example,
colocated family planning clinics with abortion mills. They annually
perform 265,000 abortions every year in America, a quarter of all the
abortions in our country a staggering loss of children's lives. One
organization. They lobby and litigate to stop women's right-to-know
laws and parental consent laws. They lobby in favor of partial birth
abortion. If that is not child abuse, I don't know what is. Make no
mistake about it, Mr. Chairman, that is what they want to do
everywhere. We kid ourselves if we don't realize that and appreciate
that.
The Mexico City policy, on the other hand, separates abortion from
family planning in certain foreign aid programs. It ensures that family
planning is the exclusive activity of the organization and not
abortion. If we provide other cash or in-kind contributions or anything
of value, we again empower, we enrich and we enable these
organizations. It is all about whom we give to.
Finally, I would like to say with deep respect to my prolife
colleagues, especially on the Democratic side of the aisle, some of
whom are under intense pressure to support the other side and to oppose
Mr. Stupak and me, if protecting babies and women from abortion matters
to you, and I mean really, really matters to you, there is no way that
any of us could work to overturn the Mexico City policy. This is the
time to stand for the innocent and the inconvenient ones who can't
speak for themselves.
I would remind my colleagues again that nothing in our language today
cuts by a penny the money that is allocated in this appropriations bill
for family planning. If you look, and we will do this again later, at
one country after another, we have seen doubling and tripling,
quadrupling even, of money going to countries, especially in Africa,
for family planning under the Mexico City policy.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume,
and I rise in strong opposition to the Smith amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the bill before us keeps the global gag rule intact,
with one important exception. It would allow for the provision of
contraceptives, not direct funding, to foreign NGOs to help reduce
abortion, unintended pregnancy, and the spread of HIV/AIDS. The
amendment I offer today makes absolutely clear that no funding would be
provided to international organizations that do not comply with the
Mexico City policy. In addition, the provision provides absolutely no
assistance for abortion.
This is strictly prohibited in 10 other sections of the bill. Every
provision in this bill has been kept there that forbids U.S. dollars
going to abortion.
There are tremendous unmet needs for contraception in developing
countries that most need this assistance to address population and
health crises, including the spread of HIV/AIDS and unintended and
high-risk pregnancies.
The global gag rule has only made matters worse for decreasing access
in many countries. U.S. shipments of contraceptives have ceased to 20
developing nations, including in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. In
some areas, the largest distribution centers for contraceptives have
experienced decreased access for over 50 percent of the women they
serve. This decline in access to contraceptives has led to increases in
unintended pregnancy and in the number of women seeking postabortion
care.
It is clear that withholding contraceptives, my friends, does not
reduce abortion. Providing contraceptives is the way to reduce
unintended pregnancies and abortions. The numbers speak for themselves.
Increased use of contraceptives in the last two decades has been
accompanied by significant declines in abortion rates in a number of
countries. For example, in Russia, the abortion rate declined by 61
percent, as has been mentioned, between 1988 and 2001, as modern
contraceptive use increased by 74 percent.
Proponents of the Smith amendment will make several false claims.
They
[[Page H6893]]
may say that this provision would provide funding or assistance for
services and products other than contraceptives directly to
international NGOs who are not compliant with Mexico City. It
absolutely will not.
{time} 1715
They will argue that the Smith amendment will not cut family planning
funds in this bill. However, it will dramatically decrease the
effectiveness of our international family planning aid by withholding
contraceptives to the areas of the world that need them most to prevent
unintended pregnancies, abortions and the spread of HIV-AIDS.
The other side will also say that my provision encourages abortion as
a means of family planning. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Abortion is already illegal in many of the areas that would receive
contraceptives under my provision, particularly in African countries.
Furthermore, these organizations do not promote abortion as a means of
family planning. They provide family planning to prevent unintended
pregnancies, thereby reducing abortion.
You may also hear that by providing contraceptives, these
organizations will be able to use their own funds for other purposes
prohibited by Mexico City. I have already made clear the incredible
unmet need for contraceptives. In Uganda alone, the average number of
births per woman is 7.1, while the unmet need for family planning is
reported by married women at 35 percent. The bill will provide donated
contraceptives, not funding, to groups that are unable to provide
enough contraceptives in areas with severe shortages.
Furthermore, contraceptives are not fungible. They are used for
contraception. Period. By filling the unmet need for contraceptives,
each year we can prevent 52 million unwanted pregnancies, an estimated
29 million abortions, 142,000 pregnancy-related deaths, and 505,000
children from losing their mothers.
It is clear that voting for the Smith amendment and against
contraceptives is an extreme position that will in fact hurt our
efforts to decrease abortion. So if you really want to decrease
abortion, if you really say you are for family planning, if you really
want to save lives, if you really want to decrease HIV/AIDS, which is
spreading throughout the world, vote no on the Smith amendment.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak), the coauthor of
this amendment.
Mr. STUPAK. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Smith-Stupak
amendment, which is the only amendment before the House that would
restore the Mexico City Policy. This policy is a vital, pro-life
provision intended to protect the integrity of U.S. family planning
programs around the world by establishing a clear wall of separation
between abortion and family planning. By directing support to
organizations that agree not to promote or perform abortion as a method
of family planning, we ensure that U.S.-supported programs are not in
the abortion business.
Let me be clear: Our amendment does not, does not, reduce
international family planning funding for services or contraceptives by
a single penny. Instead, the policy that we are promoting improves the
credibility of international family planning programs by ensuring that
they are entirely separated from abortion activities.
Despite misleading statements to the contrary, the previous Lowey
amendment is not about contraceptives or HIV. We have provisions in the
legislation where that language can be put, and it would be perfectly
acceptable to all of us. Instead, the Lowey amendments are a direct
assault on the Mexico City Policy.
The Smith-Stupak amendment restores the Mexico City Policy and in no
way reduces funding for contraceptives. U.S. family planning funded in
this bill at $441 million should be directed to organizations that do
not promote or perform abortions.
The effort to prevent unplanned pregnancy by providing contraceptives
continues robustly under the Mexico City Policy. As you can see from
the chart here before me, U.S.-funded family planning increased
dramatically in countries where USAID has found the need to be the
greatest.
Mrs. Lowey claims Ethiopia and some of these others have actually
decreased money. It is simply not true. If you look, in Ethiopia
funding has nearly quadrupled, increasing from $4.9 million to $19.5
million under the Mexico City Policy. In Uganda, funding has almost
doubled, from $5.2 million to $9.8 million.
International family planning is funded at $441 million in this bill,
and it will still be funded at $441 million in this bill under the
Smith-Stupak amendment.
I would give the previous speaker, Mrs. Lowey, credit for being
ingenious. It is an ingenious amendment which really undermines the
Mexico City language.
I urge all Members to support our pro-life and pro-family amendment.
Support the Smith-Stupak amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum), a distinguished member of
the committee.
Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman, the Smith amendment does
nothing to reinstate the Mexico City executive order. It is an
executive order. What is in statute and what continues to be in
statute, on page 93 of H.R. 2764, section 618, ``None of the funds may
be made available to be paid for the performance of abortion as a
method of family planning.''
On line 13, ``None of the funds,'' and then it goes on to say, ``may
be used for the performance of involuntary sterilization as a method of
family planning or to coerce or provide financial incentive to any
person undergoing sterilization. None of the funds may be made
available to carry out part of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, that may be used to pay for biomedical research for the
performance of abortions or involuntary sterilization.'' None of the
funds. None of the funds. That is all protected in here. The Smith
language doesn't change anything.
President George Bush in fact himself has said that one of the best
ways to prevent an abortion is to provide quality family planning
programs. And here are the facts, folks.
In developing countries, 120 million married couples would like to
postpone their next pregnancy or have no more children, but they don't
have access to modern contraceptives. In sub-Sahara Africa, 26 percent
of the women who desire to delay or end their child bearing remain
without access to volunteer family planning and then they risk an
unintended pregnancy. Every year more than 525,000 women die from
causes related to pregnancy in childbirth, with 99 percent of these
deaths occurring in developing countries. An additional 8 million women
each year suffer needless complications from pregnancy and birth. And
lack of spacing birth, this is really key, because I have spoken to
women in Africa and in Latin America, lack of spacing birth results in
intervals of 9 to 14 months, which raises the increased maternal death
rate by 250 percent.
Vote for voluntary family planning. Vote for 22 more additional
countries receiving voluntary planning. Vote against Smith.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
Ms. FOXX. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Smith-Stupak amendment
that guards against policies that would lead to taxpayer funding of
abortions abroad. This amendment would ensure that the Mexico City
Policy is included in this spending bill.
The Mexico City Policy, first enacted by President Reagan in 1984 and
reinstated in 2001, ensures that organizations that do international
population assistance work and that promote abortion as a method of
family planning do not receive United States funding.
This is a critical policy that underscores the sanctity of human life
by telling groups that if they want to promote abortion, they better
find a source of funding other than the U.S. taxpayer. It is quite
simple: If a group demonstrates a disregard for human life, they don't
get funding.
Let me be clear, the Mexico City policy and this funding do not
reduce
[[Page H6894]]
funding for family planning programs. The focus instead is on
channeling funds to organizations that agree not to promote abortion.
There is, therefore, no overall reduction of family planning funds.
Again, the guidelines are simple. If you promote abortion, the U.S.
Government will not be giving you money.
Under the current language in the State-Foreign Operations
appropriation bill, funding would once again flow to groups that
promote abortion. The Smith-Stupak amendment would eliminate language
that allows funding to go to even the most aggressively pro-abortion
groups.
This amendment is about our Nation's abortion policy. As such, it is
entirely focused on ensuring our government does not fund groups that
promote abortion. I support this amendment because it wisely guards
against any erosion of our protection of the sanctity of human life.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to
the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), an outstanding member of the
committee.
Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlewoman for yielding
and once again for her very valiant efforts to save lives of women and
children throughout the world.
Let me first say I rise in strong opposition to the Smith amendment.
This bill includes a very narrow provision to allow foreign NGOs to
receive only U.S.-provided contraceptives. Chairwoman Lowey has
additionally offered the amendment that clarifies the existing language
in the bill to make it absolutely clear that this provision only allows
for the donation of the contraceptives.
This provision has absolutely nothing to do with funding. The bill
does not provide financial assistance to clinics or to NGOs. It simply
allows those family planning organizations that have been denied USAID
family planning funding under the global gag rule to receive
contraceptives from USAID and domestic NGOs.
Again, it has nothing to do with providing assistance for abortions,
which are already strictly and clearly prohibited in 10 other
provisions in this bill, which, I must say, I am very disappointed
with. But the fact is that those provisions are there.
By providing contraceptives, we will actually help to reduce
abortions, reduce the spread of HIV and AIDS and save the lives of
mothers and infants by reducing the number of high-risk and unintended
pregnancies.
The negative impact of the gag rule, which, of course, as I said
earlier, and you all know this, this bill leaves the gag rule in place,
but the negative impact is well documented. Since it was reinstated in
2001, shipments of United States-donated contraceptives have ceased in
20 developing countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
The NGOs most affected are often the ones with the most extensive
distribution networks and the largest outreach to young women in rural
areas. They often provide the only family planning program in a region
and they have suffered severely from the cutoff of contraceptive
shipments. The Smith amendment would continue to punish these NGOs for
running successful family planning programs and would effectively
undermine the goal we all share to reduce abortions and HIV and AIDS
around the world.
For the life of me, I don't understand why we are doing this, Mr.
Smith. You know and I know that this does not tamper with,
unfortunately, the global gag rule or Mexico City language.
So let's be straightforward. Let's be honest. What we are trying to
do today is just save the lives of women and children.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
distinguished gentlewoman from Tennessee.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Thank you, Mr. Smith, for the opportunity to speak.
Mr. Chairman, what this is about is a philosophical difference of how
we approach things. This is about respect for life, our's and those in
other countries. I commend the gentleman on the amendment, and I do
rise in support of this amendment and of the Mexico City Policy and
making certain that we pass the Smith-Stupak amendment. It will strike
the language that would undermine that policy.
It is not going to take away the $441 million for family planning. It
is going to put a bright line of separation between abortion and family
planning. The U.S. should not be in the business of exporting abortion
overseas. It has been a tragedy for women here in the U.S., and it will
carry the same hurt, it will carry the same trauma if it is used
abroad.
So I commend the gentleman for his amendment. I rise in support.
Mrs. LOWEY. Madam Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Carnahan).
Mr. CARNAHAN. Mr. Chairman, it bears repeating, the statistics we
have heard so many times about the language that is in this bill and
what is not in this bill. There are at least 10 provisions in the bill
that prohibit U.S. foreign assistance from being used to promote or
perform abortions. In many of these countries, abortion is illegal.
That could not be more clear.
I want to thank Chairwoman Lowey for her leadership on this bill and
for including this commonsense, common ground, family planning
provision to include contraceptives only, and not funding.
I rise today in strong support of both the Lowey amendment and of the
contraceptives-only provision in the bill, and in opposition to the
Smith amendment.
Under current U.S. policy, too many people in the developing world,
especially Africa, contraceptives are in short supply, placing the
health and well-being of millions of people at risk. President Bush has
recognized the crisis and proposed a major Africa initiative.
The very specific and narrowly tailored language of Chairwoman
Lowey's language allows the U.S. to provide contraceptives only so NGOs
can provide contraceptives in developing countries. This provision is,
as I say, a commonsense, common ground solution to a very real problem.
This provision will reduce the number of unintended pregnancies, help
prevent abortions and help stem the spread of disease, including HIV-
AIDS.
The far-reaching impacts of this provision are immeasurable. This
will make a substantive difference in the lives of women and families
around the world by allowing them to protect themselves and plan and
space their births. It will help slow rapid population growth, which
results in poverty and instability. It will help stop the spread of
HIV-AIDS.
I urge all my colleagues who are committed to family planning to
oppose the Smith amendment, vote to support the Lowey amendment and the
underlying bill.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), the ranking member of the
Foreign Affairs Committee.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment
offered by my good friend Congressman Smith of New Jersey and Mr.
Stupak, which seeks to restore the Mexico City Policy. It is a
longstanding guideline for receiving U.S. family planning assistance.
This policy, as we know, prevents U.S. funding for foreign
nongovernmental organizations, NGOs, that perform or promote abortion
as a method of family planning. This standard is consistent with our
domestic policy, as regulations prohibit taxpayer dollars from programs
that support abortion as a method of family planning.
The Mexico City Policy applies the same standard of domestic funding
to global family planning, and therefore reinforces the belief that the
fundamental goal of family planning programs should be to reduce
abortions. By eliminating the Mexico City Policy, we are devaluing the
importance of other preventative methods of family planning.
As the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I am
seriously concerned about the effect that such a policy change would
have on our ability to protect the respect for innocent human life and
human rights worldwide.
{time} 1730
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney).
Mrs. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
Smith amendment.
[[Page H6895]]
We have heard it so many times before, but the global gag rule is not
about abortion. It is about women dying to the tune of 600,000 a year.
That is equal to one or two jumbo jets crashing each day. The fact
remains that, since 1973, no U.S. Federal funds have been or are being
used around the world for abortions.
My colleagues on the other side of the aisle say that they respect
life, but during the time that we have been debating this bill, 65
women around the world will die from pregnancy because of many related
complications; and they are dying because they do not have access to
the most basic health care such as contraceptives.
I commend my colleague, Mrs. Lowey, for her commonsense approach to
refining the global gag rule. Although I support a full repeal of the
global gag rule, it would be unconstitutional in our country, and it is
unconscionable that we are exporting it to the world's poorest women.
But the Lowey amendment merely allows NGOs and organizations to
receive contraceptives, which are proven to prevent unintended
pregnancies, abortions and sexually transmitted diseases. That is what
it does. It is family planning.
So I ask my colleagues, what do we tell a Somalian mother whose
teenage daughter has just died in childbirth? Do we explain there are
some politicians in Washington who do not think that she deserves the
same information and health care services that their own daughters
have?
These programs are about saving women and girls' lives and helping
both men and women get access to reproductive health services. So if
you oppose abortion and oppose the spread of HIV/AIDS, it makes common
sense, good sense to support access to contraceptives and oppose the
Smith amendment. Support the Lowey provision.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Smith-Stupak
amendment.
I believe women in developing nations, these poor women are not
asking help to abort their children. They are asking for help with
food, housing and medical care for them and their families. It costs
roughly $5 to spray a house with the cheapest insecticide to protect
entire families from being infected with malaria.
The drug Nevirapine reduces the risk of prenatal HIV infection by 50
percent. One dose is given to the mother and one to the baby, and these
two doses only cost $5.
Mr. Chairman, I believe this is how our foreign aid dollars should be
spent, saving lives, not destroying them. Most preventable child deaths
are from malnutrition, diarrhea, pneumonia, infections of newborns and
malaria.
The United States has contributed more than $1.5 billion in the last
5 years to treat almost 5 billion episodes of child diarrhea with
lifesaving oral rehydration therapy, and we have reduced deaths from
diarrheal disease by more than half since 1990.
These are the success stories of how U.S. tax dollars are saving
lives, and we need to continue to preserve lives. The money in this
bill should be spent on newborn care programs and not on destructive
abortion procedures destroying the life of the child and harming women.
I believe we need to export lifesaving policy that provides poor
women with the food, with the housing and the medicine that they need
so desperately.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment. Let
me say at the outset, I have the deepest respect for the opinions
expressed in this Chamber. I may not agree with them, but I respect
them.
We are all try to reduce unintended pregnancies. We are all trying to
reduce abortion. In contrast to what a prior speaker said, there is
nobody here in this Congress, right or left, who doesn't have respect
for human life; and that kind of verbiage really ought not to be
expressed in this Chamber.
I will say, however, that while I respect my opponents' arguments,
the arguments do lose some credibility on the issue of fungibility. The
fact of the matter is, as has been stated before, not one penny in Mrs.
Lowey's bill is spent promoting or providing abortion. It is on in-kind
contraceptives.
My friends on the other side of the aisle have said, whoa, whoa, but
that is promoting the funding of abortion, because every single in-kind
contraceptive that is donated means that there is more money by that
country to fund an abortion.
Well, if you are going to apply that argument, my friends, then you
better just admit defeat on the global war on terror right now. Because
the fact of the matter is that many of the same countries that we are
providing in-kind military assistance to to help us in the global war
on terror allow for legal abortion. Some even provide abortion
services.
Here is a map. If you are going to argue the fungibility issue, then
in fact every time that we provide funding to Pakistan, we are
promoting abortions, because in some cases abortion is legal in
Pakistan.
Every time we are providing military funding and assistance to India,
we are promoting abortions. Australia, Japan, South Korea. When we are
providing funding for the Colombian antidrug initiative, we are
promoting abortions in Colombia under that argument. Canada. Russia.
When we provide military assistance to secure loose nukes in Russia,
under your argument that money is fungible. They can take our
assistance, secure the loose nukes and then use that money in order to
provide and promote abortions.
If you use that argument, my friends, you need to go back to your
districts today and admit to your constituents that every time you have
supported that military aid you have supported abortion, because the
money is fungible.
The Czech Republic. Many of you support providing military assistance
and in-kind assistance to the Czech Republic for the national missile
defense system. They permit abortions. Albania, Armenia, Bulgaria, NATO
countries, South Africa, the Ukraine.
The fact of the matter is that the fungibility argument has no
credibility. You can only have fungibility if you have money. There is
no money in this bill for abortion services.
If we are going to have an honest debate on this issue, let's be
honest and let's be consistent. What this language does is say we want
to reduce unintended pregnancies. We want to reduce abortions. The way
to do it is to allow for in-kind contributions of contraceptives. This
is important language.
I oppose the amendment, and I urge Members to be consistent.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 10 seconds just
to say that the previous speaker's comments missed by a mile what this
is all about.
The Mexico City policy does not apply to a single country. It applies
to organizations. Countries are expressly excluded from Mexico City
policy. It is all about pro-abortion organizations, and whether or not
we want to enrich and enable them to expand abortion. We want to put
our money and in-kind contributions to those that have divested
themselves from the killing of unborn children.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry), a
member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Smith-Stupak
amendment and encourage my colleagues to support this measure to
prevent the U.S.-taxpayer-funded export of abortion.
The purpose of U.S. foreign assistance is to strengthen the
foundation for international stability by fostering civil society,
supporting institutions that foster self-determination, and helping the
vulnerable by bringing healing and hope and basic sustenance.
As a leading provider of foreign assistance worldwide, the United
States has made extraordinary strides towards alleviating suffering
throughout the world. Unfortunately, an element of the Foreign
Operations bill before us today risks undermining this noble legacy.
The Mexico City policy, first announced by President Reagan in 1984,
requires that as a condition for receiving Federal funds for family
planning, foreign nongovernmental organizations
[[Page H6896]]
agree that they will neither perform abortions nor lobby to change
abortion laws or otherwise actively promote abortion as a method of
family planning.
The Foreign Operations bill, as it currently stands, would undo this
policy and subsidize abortion providers overseas. U.S. taxpayers should
not be forced to do this, nor should other countries be forced to
accept it. Abortion is so often the result of abandonment, Mr.
Chairman; and I believe women deserve better.
Mr. Chairman, many Americans aren't comfortable about the rightness
or wrongness of it. Many Americans are unsure in their heart of hearts
about the ethics of abortion. Americans agonize about this difficult
issue, and our collective experience as a society demonstrates the
grave consequences.
Given these considerations, is abortion really the best we can offer
to some of the most vulnerable populations in the world? Is this really
how we wish to be identified as a Nation?
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to retain the long-standing Mexico
City policy and not to compromise the reputation and legitimacy of our
foreign assistance programs.
Mrs. LOWEY. Before I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from
California, I would like to yield an additional 30 seconds for
clarification to my good friend from New York (Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. I thank the gentlewoman.
I do seek a clarification. The distinguished gentleman from New
Jersey attempted to clarify, but I am now a little more confused. As I
understood his argument, he said that when an organization promotes
abortion, we are looking to punish it. But when a country that we
happen to like promotes abortion, then we can provide them with $300
million or $400 million in budget support.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ISRAEL. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. First of all, we are not punishing. We are
saying that, as a matter of human rights principle, that the killing of
an unborn child rises to a sufficient level that we will pick other
NGOs to whom we will give our dollars.
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Woolsey).
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Chairman, maybe, just maybe, if a woman has access
to contraceptives, abortion will be prevented.
What is wrong with you people? Where do you come from?
Oh, that's right, you come from the United States of America, where
all women are allowed, rich or poor, to have access to and choices over
family planning. Lucky us.
There are many choices for preventing unwanted pregnancies, and let
us not forget prevention of HIV/AIDS. If you are against abortion, at
least support prevention. If you are concerned about HIV/AIDS, support
contraception.
Our Nation has a long history of generosity and caring. That should
not end today. What are we doing? We are up here with the Lowey
amendment ensuring that women in the poorest villages in the poorest
countries have access to contraceptives. We are doing that by providing
medically approved and necessary contraceptives to women who would
otherwise have no other means to prevent unwanted pregnancies and/or to
prevent HIV/AIDS.
Unintended pregnancies and illegal abortions have been on the rise in
areas where access to family planning has been denied. Chairwoman
Lowey's provision is just plain common sense. Let's put women's health
above politics and vote ``no'' on the Smith-Stupak amendment.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Lamborn).
Mr. LAMBORN. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Smith-
Stupak amendment. The Mexico City policy does not reduce family
planning funding at all. It only requires that funds, support and
supplies are directed to NGOs that do not promote abortion as part of
family planning.
U.S. taxpayers should not be forced to hand their hard-earned tax
money over to organizations that practice policies that these taxpayers
morally oppose. The Mexico City policy has established that clear
bright line that allows us to provide assistance in a morally
acceptable manner.
President Bush has clearly indicated his intent to veto this bill if
it weakens current Federal policies and laws on abortion or that
encourages the destruction of human life at any stage. Enough of us,
myself included, have pledged to sustain this veto that it will,
indeed, be sustained.
We must ensure that taxpayer funds do not underwrite organizations
that perform or promote abortion as a method of family planning. I urge
my colleagues to support the Smith-Stupak amendment today.
{time} 1745
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin).
(Mr. LANGEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Chairman, I unfortunately must rise in opposition
to the Smith-Stupak amendment. I have great respect for the passion
displayed by Mr. Smith and Mr. Stupak and I share their opposition to
abortion. However, in this instance I must strongly disagree with their
decision to prevent the distribution of contraception to some of the
most poor and needy people and nations in the world.
Mr. Chairman, we are asked to make an important decision in this
year's debate on the Foreign Operations bill. Our commitment to
providing international family planning speaks volumes about who we are
as a nation. These funds reach some of the most vulnerable populations
in the world and can literally mean the difference between life and
death.
I know that Americans regardless of their position on abortion are
horrified by the statistics on HIV/AIDS in Africa and the number of
unwanted pregnancies and abortions throughout the developing world. I
believe that it is our responsibility, as people committed to the
sanctity of life and the basic human dignity of all people, to respond
to this crisis. I believe that it is also our responsibility to do so
in the most effective manner possible while staying true to our core
values. The language that Chairwoman Lowey proposes makes it possible
for the United States to provide developing nations access to
contraceptive products, products that save lives. The Lowey language
ensures that the organizations best equipped to distribute these
products to the neediest, poorest parts of the world are able to do so.
Finally, it respects the law of the land that prohibits Federal
financial assistance to organizations that provide abortions or
abortion counseling.
I know that crafting this language was no easy feat and I commend
Mrs. Lowey for her dedication to moving forward with a bill that
reflects the values of our Nation and respects the strong feelings that
Members have on both sides of the abortion debate. I urge my colleagues
to vote ``no'' on the Smith-Stupak amendment and allow this critical,
lifesaving assistance to reach those who so desperately need it.
I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the
distinguished gentleman from Florida, Dr. Dave Weldon.
Mr. WELDON of Florida. I just want to clarify a point just made by
the gentleman from Rhode Island. Under the Smith language,
contraceptive devices will be distributed. This whole debate is about
whether we're going to give contraceptives to Planned Parenthood,
Parenthood International, aggressively trying to overturn the pro-life
laws in countries all over the world.
We have dramatically increased distribution under Mexico City of
contraceptive devices. Ethiopia, from 4.9 million to 19.5 million. A
big, long list here. This is about Planned Parenthood and their effort
to overturn pro-life laws all over the world and we don't want to give
money to them. That's what this debate is about.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
distinguished gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Aderholt).
[[Page H6897]]
Mr. ADERHOLT. First of all, I would like to thank Mr. Smith and Mr.
Stupak for their leadership on this amendment. What we are doing here
on this amendment is no small thing.
Mr. Chairman, I believe it should be noted for the record that most
Americans do not believe that abortion is an appropriate form of family
planning. To suggest it is simply wrong. It would never be considered
proper within the United States and it isn't proper that taxpayers'
money be spent for this purpose overseas.
The amendment that we are debating today in question is not anti-
family planning. There are a number of alternatives to abortion which
do not rise to the level of concern that this proposal engenders. This
is only anti-family planning if one considers abortion to be a method
of family planning. I reject this way of thinking and urge the adoption
of this amendment.
When President Bush adopted our Nation's current policy, he was
right. Prohibiting the expenditure of taxpayer dollars to fund
abortions outside the United States is a policy that has been in place
for many years. Therefore, I urge all of my colleagues who care about
the sanctity of human life to vote in favor of the Smith-Stupak
amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. May I ask how much time is remaining on both sides, Mr.
Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from New York has 30 seconds. The
gentleman from New Jersey has 3\1/4\ minutes.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the
distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan).
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey and the
Congressman from Michigan for their work on this amendment and their
longstanding commitment to protecting human life.
This is about two fundamental issues that have been talked about here
on the floor. First, taxpayer dollars shouldn't go to organizations,
whether those dollars are cash or in-kind, shouldn't go to
organizations that perform or promote the taking of innocent human
life. Second, it recognizes the more fundamental principle, life is
precious, life is sacred, and government's fundamental responsibility
is to protect the weak from the strong, to protect those innocent
individuals whose lives are being taken.
This is good public policy. We should keep it in place. It's
consistent, frankly, with our heritage and with our history. I always
like to remind folks of what the founders said when they talked about
that fundamental document that started this great experience we call
America: Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
It's interesting to note the order the founders placed the rights
they chose to mention. Can you pursue happiness, your goals and dreams,
if you first don't have liberty? And do you ever have true liberty,
true freedom, if government does not protect your most fundamental
right, your right to live?
This amendment is consistent with the founders' vision, it's good
policy, and we should adopt it.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to my good friend, Mr.
Ryan.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I just would like to end this debate to say that we
all have the same goals here. We all want to reduce the number of
abortions. Nobody wants to celebrate it. I'm a pro-life Democrat. I
voted for the ban on partial-birth abortion and I'm proud of my vote.
But we do have an honest disagreement on how we reduce the number of
unintended pregnancies. And to me it is clear that if we do not provide
contraception to these poor women in these poor countries, then we will
have more abortions. The statistics bear this out, the facts bear this
out, and that's why this amendment needs to go down and we need to pass
the chairwoman's language here, because I believe that if this
amendment passes, there will be more abortions, not less.
And one final comment to the gentleman from New Jersey, we were not
pressured to support this position. We came to this position by
honestly looking at the facts. No leadership pressured us, me and Mr.
Langevin and those of us who have a different voting record than some
people over here. So this is our choice. Please vote down this
amendment and let's reduce the number of abortions.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) control the remainder of the
time.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from
New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
Mr. CANTOR. I thank the gentleman.
I rise today in support of the Smith-Stupak amendment to strike the
language eliminating the vitally important protections of the Mexico
City Policy. I just believe it's wrong to force American taxpayers to
subsidize organizations who actively promote abortion in foreign
nations.
In response to some of the arguments on the other side that this is
not about promoting abortion or not, I disagree. It's really not about
providing contraceptives. This is about promoting abortion. Because as
the gentleman from New Jersey was trying to say before he was cut off,
there are NGOs that are in compliance with the Mexico City Policy which
means that they neither perform nor actively promote abortions as a
method of family planning in other nations. It is they who are eligible
for assistance under the Mexico City Policy. It is they who should be
getting the benefit, not those organizations that are promoting
abortions around the world that can substitute the provision of these
contraceptives to then use that money available to go and pursue their
other agenda.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling).
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 1\1/4\ minutes.
Mr. HENSARLING. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Smith-Stupak amendment
to restore the pro-life Mexico City Policy protections that were
effectively stripped from this bill.
Human life is a precious commodity and around the globe it is still
too often taken for granted. Like millions, in my heart and in my mind,
I believe that life begins at conception. And as a Member of this body,
I feel I have an obligation to protect the right to life wherever I
can. The most effective way to do that now, today, is to support the
Mexico City Policy which would prevent our international aid from going
to foreign organizations that support or promote abortions.
This policy is based on the simple idea that American taxpayers
should not be forced to export abortions with their money. Again, we're
talking about taking money away from the American taxpayer and using it
to subsidize foreign abortions. For most, this defies common sense. It
defies fiscal sense. And it is reprehensible to the millions who
believe in the fundamental right to life.
I urge all Members to support the Smith-Stupak amendment.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WOLF. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the Stupak-Smith
amendment. This amendment very simply ensures that our taxpayer Foreign
Operation funds will not be used to support abortion overseas. The
Mexico City Policy, which was first instituted in 1984 by President
Ronald Reagan, simply states that any U.S. funding for family planning
cannot be used to promote abortions as a suitable option in family
planning.
As divisive as this issue is among many Americans, this issue is a
consensus issue. The American people know whatever your view of
abortion, whether it is morally right or morally acceptable, most
Americans agree that it is morally wrong to take the taxpayer dollars
of millions of Americans who cherish the sanctity of human life and use
it to fund and to underwrite organizations that promote abortion
overseas.
[[Page H6898]]
It is precisely for that reason that I rise today in strong support
of this thoughtful amendment and urge my colleagues to preserve the
Mexico City Policy and vote ``aye'' on the Stupak-Smith amendment.
Mr. WOLF. Reclaiming my time, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, recently a new organization
formed in the United States called the Silent No More Awareness
Campaign. It is made up entirely of women who have had abortions. One
of the women, Dr. Alveda King, niece of the late Dr. Martin Luther
King, has had two abortions. She is now one of the most passionate
spokeswomen on earth in favor of the unborn child and in favor of
protecting women from abortion and assisting women harmed and wounded
by abortion. She has pointed out that women in America, and
increasingly in the world in countries where it has been legalized,
become the walking wounded and carry with them the deep emotional and
physical scars of having had an abortion under the cheap sophistry
choice. Dr. King used to be on the other side of the issue and she,
like the other women in Silent No More, are now adamantly pro-life. Dr.
King and so many others call on us today to defend life and not export
abortion.
The Appropritions bill on the floor today provides $441 million for
overseas family planning. That is in the bill. It's untouched by the
Smith-Stupak amendment. But who we give grant money or inkind donations
to matters. When you pour in-kind contributions into pro-abortion
organizations whose raison d'etre, and just read their literature and
Web sites and look at what they're doing in those countries, is to
legalize abortion on demand and to promote abortion by way of clinics,
you realize that a vote against the Smith-Stupak amendment is a vote to
enable abortion on demand.
Abortion is child abuse. That may not be something nice to say on
this floor, some of you may cringe over it because you think it's all
about choice. Choice to do what? Dismember, chemically poison a child.
These are children. Welcome to 2007. Ultrasound technology has
shattered the myth that an unborn child is not human or not alive.
Birth is an event that happens to each and every one of us. It's not
the beginning of life.
{time} 1800
Prenatal surgery has shattered myths concerning the unborn as well.
Unborn children are patients. So let's give the money to the family
planners overseas that are all about family planning, not abortion
promotion.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
I yield to my good friend, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I cannot let that go unanswered. We
are not promoting abortion. We are trying to reduce the number of
abortions by providing contraception.
The fact of the matter is the Republican party has no plan on
reducing the number of abortions, none. There is only one way to do it,
and you provide contraception to poor people. That's what we are trying
to do.
You're right. It's not about who's getting; it's about who's not
getting. There are poor women who are not getting contraception and
contraceptives. We are trying to provide it.
I commend what you are trying to do. We are trying to reduce number
of abortions, and all the explicit details of an abortion procedure are
exactly why we are trying to do this.
Mrs. LOWEY. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, I want to make it very clear in closing, we all may
have different views about abortion. I respect your views. I may
differ. Each person is entitled to their own conscience and their own
views on abortion.
But this is not about abortion. Every provision forbidding U.S.
dollars going to abortion is in this bill, and it remains in this bill.
The choice is clear, my friend.
My amendment will provide donated contraceptives, reduce unintended
pregnancies, reduce the number of abortions, prevent HIV/AIDS, save
lives, save the lives of millions of poor people around the world. This
amendment will save lives. Mr. Smith's amendment will lead to more
abortions, put more lives at risk.
My friend, the choice is very clear. If you want to reduce the number
of unintended pregnancies, if you want to save lives, if you want to
prevent abortion, you vote for the Lowey amendment and against the
Smith amendment.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the amendment
offered by both the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Stupak and the
gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith.
This amendment would simply reaffirm our country's long standing
commitment to not using federal taxpayer money to fund or support
abortions. More specifically, this amendment would preserve the
decades-old, internationally agreed upon Mexico City Policy that
defends the sanctity of life by preventing taxpayer dollars from
funding overseas family planning organizations that promote or perform
abortions.
Mr. Chairman, while many Americans may disagree on the issue of
abortion, a vast majority of them do not believe that abortions should
be publicly funded. This Mexico City Policy significantly prevents the
exploitation of developing nations where some non-governmental
organizations aggressively advocate the use of abortion as birth
control--birth control, Mr. Chairman. The tactics of these NGOs are
simply and utterly unconscionable, and I know Americans don't want
their tax dollars funding these activities.
Now, opponents of the amendment have tried to assert that it would
take away funding from international family planning. Quite to the
contrary, this Amendment does not take one single cent from these
activities, but rather maintains the current policy preventing Federal
funding of foreign abortions. We must remain resolute in the
preservation of this policy.
Having practiced as a pro-life OB-GYN for nearly 30 years, I firmly
believe that we have an obligation to protect life at each and every
stage--and this obligation does not just apply to unborn Americans.
Any human life--regardless of geography, regardless of circumstance--
has the right to exist. Foreign abortions are just as tragic as
abortions here at home.
We should not and we cannot allow the Mexico City Policy to be
abandoned. Therefore, I urge my colleagues to support Stupak/Smith.
Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Chairman, today I rise in support of the amendment
to reinstate the Mexico City Policy. This policy ensures that U.S.
bilateral family planning programs are not conduits for exporting
abortions internationally.
Let me be clear from the beginning: the Mexico City Policy is NOT
anti-family planning. In no way does this policy reduce the $425
million that the United States provides in family planning assistance.
What this amendment does do is to put a wall between contraception and
abortion, thereby preventing this Congress from making the American
taxpayers an implicit partner in the aborting of unborn children. It
sends the message that as Americans, we stand for the life and liberty
of all individuals--those whose voices can be heard, and those whose
voices cry from the womb.
This Democrat-led Congress has voted to protect roosters from
cockfighting and horses from slaughter. Doesn't it would seem logical
that this Congress would stand up and protect the fragile lives of the
unborn?
But this Congress has shown that it is only selectively sympathetic
to the furtherance of life. As when horses are killed, or roosters are
hurt. But not when a tiny, human life is stamped out with the approval
of our government.
I urge my colleagues to adopt this amendment.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong opposition to
this amendment before us.
The Foreign Operations Appropriations measure in its current form
will reduce the number of unintended pregnancies globally, curb the
deadly spread of HIV/AIDS, and improve infant and maternal survival
rates throughout the developing world.
I want to commend my friend and colleague, Congresswoman Lowey, for
including a provision in this measure which provides a targeted
exemption from the Global Gag Rule.
This will allow NGOs to receive U.S.-donated contraception and
condoms.
For the past 6 years, the global gag rule has jeopardized access to
comprehensive health care for women in developing countries. It has
denied NGOs the resources they need to provide necessary medical advice
and treatments.
The intent of the Global Gag Rule was to restrict abortion. However,
by denying access to contraception and condoms, the Gag Rule denies
women the opportunity to prevent unintended pregnancies in the first
place.
With population levels rising and efforts to prevent the spread of
HIV increasing, the demand for contraception is higher then ever.
[[Page H6899]]
More than 200 million women around the world want to control when
they have children and protect themselves from HIV, but they can't do
so because they lack access to condoms and contraception.
Since the Global Gag Rule was reinstated, shipments of contraceptives
from the U.S. government have been denied to 20 developing countries
throughout Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Its effect on healthcare
in these nations has been devastating.
In the face of this, the Smith amendment would deny access to
contraception and condoms to some of our most valuable NGOs reaching
at-risk people of all ages.
What would the impact of this cutoff be?
Consider that access to contraceptives would prevent an estimated 52
million unintended pregnancies each year.
That, in turn, would prevent 22 million abortions. It would also
prevent 23 million unplanned births; 142,000 pregnancy-related deaths,
and 1.4 million infant deaths.
Family planning helps women to have their children during the
healthiest times for both mother and child. It has proved critical to
the reduction of infant mortality in numerous developing countries.
Contraceptive access is also critical to disease prevention.
According to the WHO, the leading cause of last year's 4.3 million new
HIV cases was unprotected sex. Access to condoms is a matter of life
and death.
And of those millions, how many were parents? More than 13 million
children under the age of 15 have lost one or both parents to AIDS.
That is 12 percent of all the orphaned children in the world--more than
10 million children.
Cutting off the flow of contraceptives would be an enormous step back
for the health of the world's women, children and families. The
underlying bill before us takes a commonsense approach to global health
that will reduce unintended pregnancies and the need for abortion. It
will also help stop the spread of HIV/AIDS and improve infant and child
survival rates.
This amendment would take us in the opposite direction. I urge all of
my colleagues to vote no on the Smith/Stupak amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New Jersey will be
postponed.
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings will
now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
An amendment by Mrs. Lowey of New York.
An amendment by Mr. Smith of New Jersey.
The Chair will reduce to 5 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Lowey
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 223,
noes 201, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 533]
AYES--223
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bono
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Granger
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kennedy
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Ramstad
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOES--201
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costello
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Holden
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kildee
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Stupak
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Walberg
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--14
Bonner
Cramer
Cubin
Davis (AL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Ortiz
Paul
Pickering
Sanchez, Loretta
Simpson
Sullivan
Weiner
{time} 1825
Ms. FALLIN changed her vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA, Ms. KILPATRICK, Mr. CONYERS and Ms. SLAUGHTER
changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the
[[Page H6900]]
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) on which further proceedings were
postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 205,
noes 218, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 534]
AYES--205
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costello
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kildee
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Oberstar
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Stupak
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--218
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bono
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kennedy
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Ramstad
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--14
Bonner
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Ortiz
Paul
Pickering
Sanchez, Loretta
Simpson
Sullivan
Weiner
Whitfield
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised that there are 2
minutes remaining in this vote.
{time} 1832
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
(By unanimous consent, Mr. Hoyer was allowed to speak out of order.)
Legislative Program
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I have had conversations with Mr. Blunt and
I have also had conversations with Mr. Obey, and I want to tell the
Members of the House that it would be my intention if we complete this
bill and we can complete the Legislative appropriations bill tonight in
the next 5\1/2\ hours, then it would be my intention that we would not
meet tomorrow.
I want all the Members to understand that we will complete the
Legislative appropriations bill this week, but if we can complete both
of those bills tonight, it would be my intention that we would not be
meeting tomorrow.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
afghanistan
Sec. 623. Of the funds appropriated under titles III and IV
of this Act, not less than $1,057,050,000 shall be made
available for humanitarian, reconstruction, and related
assistance for Afghanistan: Provided, That of the funds made
available pursuant to this section, $3,000,000 should be made
available for reforestation activities: Provided further,
That funds made available pursuant to the previous proviso
should be matched, to the maximum extent possible, with
contributions from American and Afghan businesses: Provided
further, That of the funds allocated for assistance for
Afghanistan from this Act not less than $75,000,000 shall be
made available to support programs that directly address the
needs of Afghan women and girls, including for the Afghan
Independent Human Rights Commission, the Afghan Ministry of
Women's Affairs, and for women-led nonprofit organizations in
Afghanistan.
notification on excess defense equipment
Sec. 624. Prior to providing excess Department of Defense
articles in accordance with section 516(a) of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, the Department of Defense shall
notify the Committees on Appropriations to the same extent
and under the same conditions as are other committees
pursuant to subsection (f) of that section: Provided, That
before issuing a letter of offer to sell excess defense
articles under the Arms Export Control Act, the Department of
Defense shall notify the Committees on Appropriations in
accordance with the regular notification procedures of such
Committees if such defense articles are significant military
equipment (as defined in section 47(9) of the Arms Export
Control Act) or are valued (in terms of original acquisition
cost) at $7,000,000 or more, or if notification is required
elsewhere in this Act for the use of appropriated funds for
specific countries that would receive such excess defense
articles: Provided further, That such Committees shall also
be informed of the original acquisition cost of such defense
articles.
global fund accountability
Sec. 625. (a) Notwithstanding any other provision of this
Act, 20 percent of the funds that are appropriated by this
Act for a contribution to support the Global Fund to Fight
AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the ``Global Fund'') shall be
withheld from obligation to the Global Fund until the
Secretary of State certifies to the Committees on
Appropriations that the Global Fund--
(1) is releasing incremental disbursements only if grantees
demonstrate progress against clearly defined performance
indicators;
(2) is providing support and oversight to country-level
entities, such as country coordinating mechanisms, principal
recipients, and Local Fund Agents (LFAs), to enable them to
fulfill their mandates;
(3) has a full-time, professional, independent Office of
Inspector General that is fully operational;
[[Page H6901]]
(4) requires LFAs to assess whether a principal recipient
has the capacity to oversee the activities of sub-recipients;
(5) is making progress toward implementing a reporting
system that breaks down grantee budget allocations by
programmatic activity;
(6) has adopted a policy on the public release of documents
produced by the Office of the Inspector General;
(7) is tracking and encouraging the involvement of civil
society, including faith-based organizations, in country
coordinating mechanisms and program implementation; and
(8) has provided to the Secretary of State a report on
faith-based organizations as described in subsection (b).
(b) The report referred to in subsection (a)(8) is a report
that provides a description and assessment of grants and sub-
grants provided by the Global Fund to faith-based
organizations. The report shall include--
(1) on a county-by-country basis--
(A) a description of the amount of grants and sub-grants
provided to faith-based organizations; and
(B) an assessment of the extent to which faith-based
organizations have been or are involved in the Country
Coordinating Mechanism (CCM) process of the Global Fund; and
(2) a description of actions the Global Fund has taken and
will take to enhance the involvement of faith-based
organizations in the CCM process, particularly in countries
in which the involvement of faith-based organizations has
been underrepresented.
prohibition on bilateral assistance to terrorist countries
Sec. 626. (a) Funds appropriated for bilateral assistance
under any heading of this Act and funds appropriated under
any such heading in a provision of law enacted prior to the
enactment of this Act, shall not be made available to any
country which the President determines--
(1) grants sanctuary from prosecution to any individual or
group which has committed an act of international terrorism;
or
(2) otherwise supports international terrorism.
(b) The President may waive the application of subsection
(a) to a country if the President determines that national
security or humanitarian reasons justify such waiver. The
President shall publish each waiver in the Federal Register
and, at least 15 days before the waiver takes effect, shall
notify the Committees on Appropriations of the waiver
(including the justification for the waiver) in accordance
with the regular notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations.
debt-for-development
Sec. 627. In order to enhance the continued participation
of nongovernmental organizations in debt-for-development and
debt-for-nature exchanges, a nongovernmental organization
which is a grantee or contractor of the United States Agency
for International Development may place in interest bearing
accounts local currencies which accrue to that organization
as a result of economic assistance provided under title III
of this Act and, subject to the regular notification
procedures of the Committees on Appropriations, any interest
earned on such investment shall be used for the purpose for
which the assistance was provided to that organization.
separate accounts
Sec. 628. (a) Separate Accounts for Local Currencies.--
(1) If assistance is furnished to the government of a
foreign country under chapters 1 and 10 of part I or chapter
4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 under
agreements which result in the generation of local currencies
of that country, the Administrator of the United States
Agency for International Development shall--
(A) require that local currencies be deposited in a
separate account established by that government;
(B) enter into an agreement with that government which sets
forth--
(i) the amount of the local currencies to be generated; and
(ii) the terms and conditions under which the currencies so
deposited may be utilized, consistent with this section; and
(C) establish by agreement with that government the
responsibilities of the United States Agency for
International Development and that government to monitor and
account for deposits into and disbursements from the separate
account.
(2) Uses of local currencies.--As may be agreed upon with
the foreign government, local currencies deposited in a
separate account pursuant to subsection (a), or an equivalent
amount of local currencies, shall be used only--
(A) to carry out chapter 1 or 10 of part I or chapter 4 of
part II (as the case may be), for such purposes as--
(i) project and sector assistance activities; or
(ii) debt and deficit financing; or
(B) for the administrative requirements of the United
States Government.
(3) Programming accountability.--The United States Agency
for International Development shall take all necessary steps
to ensure that the equivalent of the local currencies
disbursed pursuant to subsection (a)(2)(A) from the separate
account established pursuant to subsection (a)(1) are used
for the purposes agreed upon pursuant to subsection (a)(2).
(4) Termination of assistance programs.--Upon termination
of assistance to a country under chapter 1 or 10 of part I or
chapter 4 of part II (as the case may be), any unencumbered
balances of funds which remain in a separate account
established pursuant to subsection (a) shall be disposed of
for such purposes as may be agreed to by the government of
that country and the United States Government.
(5) Reporting requirement.--The Administrator of the United
States Agency for International Development shall report on
an annual basis as part of the justification documents
submitted to the Committees on Appropriations on the use of
local currencies for the administrative requirements of the
United States Government as authorized in subsection
(a)(2)(B), and such report shall include the amount of local
currency (and United States dollar equivalent) used and/or to
be used for such purpose in each applicable country.
(b) Separate Accounts for Cash Transfers.--
(1) If assistance is made available to the government of a
foreign country, under chapter 1 or 10 of part I or chapter 4
of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as cash
transfer assistance or as non-project sector assistance, that
country shall be required to maintain such funds in a
separate account and not commingle them with any other funds.
(2) Applicability of other provisions of law.--Such funds
may be obligated and expended notwithstanding provisions of
law, which are inconsistent with the nature of this
assistance including provisions which are referenced in the
Joint Explanatory Statement of the Committee of Conference
accompanying House Joint Resolution 648 (House Report No. 98-
1159).
(3) Notification.--At least 15 days prior to obligating any
such cash transfer or non-project sector assistance, the
President shall submit a notification through the regular
notification procedures of the Committees on Appropriations,
which shall include a detailed description of how the funds
proposed to be made available will be used, with a discussion
of the United States interests that will be served by the
assistance (including, as appropriate, a description of the
economic policy reforms that will be promoted by such
assistance).
(4) Exemption.--Non-project sector assistance funds may be
exempt from the requirements of subsection (b)(1) only
through the notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations.
enterprise fund restrictions
Sec. 629. (a) Prior to the distribution of any assets
resulting from any liquidation, dissolution, or winding up of
an Enterprise Fund, in whole or in part, the President shall
submit to the Committees on Appropriations, in accordance
with the regular notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations, a plan for the distribution of the assets of
the Enterprise Fund.
(b) Funds made available under titles II through V of this
Act for Enterprise Funds shall be expended at the minimum
rate necessary to make timely payment for projects and
activities.
financial market assistance
Sec. 630. Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the
headings ``TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT AGENCY'', ``DEVELOPMENT
ASSISTANCE'', ``TRANSITION INITIATIVES'', ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT
FUND'', ``INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE'',
``ASSISTANCE FOR THE INDEPENDENT STATES OF THE FORMER SOVIET
UNION'', ``NONPROLIFERATION, ANTI-TERRORISM, DEMINING AND
RELATED PROGRAMS'', and ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN EUROPE AND
BALTIC STATES'', not less than $40,000,000 should be made
available for building capital markets and financial systems
in countries eligible to receive United States assistance.
authorities for the peace corps, inter-american foundation and african
development foundation
Sec. 631. Unless expressly provided to the contrary,
provisions of this or any other Act, including provisions
contained in prior Acts authorizing or making appropriations
for foreign operations, export financing, and related
programs, shall not be construed to prohibit activities
authorized by or conducted under the Peace Corps Act, the
Inter-American Foundation Act or the African Development
Foundation Act. The agency shall promptly report to the
Committees on Appropriations whenever it is conducting
activities or is proposing to conduct activities in a country
for which assistance is prohibited.
impact on jobs in the united states
Sec. 632. None of the funds appropriated under titles II
through V of this Act may be obligated or expended to
provide--
(1) any financial incentive to a business enterprise
currently located in the United States for the purpose of
inducing such an enterprise to relocate outside the United
States if such incentive or inducement is likely to reduce
the number of employees of such business enterprise in the
United States because United States production is being
replaced by such enterprise outside the United States; or
(2) assistance for any program, project, or activity that
contributes to the violation of internationally recognized
workers rights, as defined in section 507(4) of the Trade Act
of
[[Page H6902]]
1974, of workers in the recipient country, including any
designated zone or area in that country: Provided, That the
application of section 507(4) (D) and (E) of such Act should
be commensurate with the level of development of the
recipient country and sector, and shall not preclude
assistance for the informal sector in such country, micro and
small-scale enterprise, and smallholder agriculture.
special authorities
Sec. 633. (a) Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Lebanon,
Montenegro, Victims of War, Displaced Children, and Displaced
Burmese.--Funds appropriated by this Act that are made
available for assistance for Afghanistan may be made
available notwithstanding section 612 of this Act or any
similar provision of law and section 660 of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, and funds appropriated in titles II
and III of this Act that are made available for Iraq,
Lebanon, Montenegro, Pakistan, and for victims of war,
displaced children, and displaced Burmese, and to assist
victims of trafficking in persons and, subject to the regular
notification procedures of the Committees on Appropriations,
to combat such trafficking, may be made available
notwithstanding any other provision of law.
(b) Tropical Forestry and Biodiversity Conservation
Activities.--Funds appropriated by this Act to carry out the
provisions of sections 103 through 106, and chapter 4 of part
II, of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 may be used,
notwithstanding any other provision of law, for the purpose
of supporting tropical forestry and biodiversity conservation
activities and energy programs aimed at reducing greenhouse
gas emissions: Provided, That such assistance shall be
subject to sections 116, 502B, and 620A of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961.
(c) Personal Services Contractors.--Funds appropriated by
this Act to carry out chapter 1 of part I, chapter 4 of part
II, and section 667 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
and title II of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954, may be used by the United States
Agency for International Development to employ up to 25
personal services contractors in the United States,
notwithstanding any other provision of law, for the purpose
of providing direct, interim support for new or expanded
overseas programs and activities managed by the agency until
permanent direct hire personnel are hired and trained:
Provided, That not more than 10 of such contractors shall be
assigned to any bureau or office: Provided further, That such
funds appropriated to carry out title II of the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954, may be made
available only for personal services contractors assigned to
the Office of Food for Peace.
(d)(1) Waiver.--The President may waive the provisions of
section 1003 of Public Law 100-204 if the President
determines and certifies in writing to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the
Senate that it is important to the national security
interests of the United States.
(2) Period of Application of Waiver.--Any waiver pursuant
to paragraph (1) shall be effective for no more than a period
of 6 months at a time and shall not apply beyond 12 months
after the enactment of this Act.
(e) Small Business.--In entering into multiple award
indefinite-quantity contracts with funds appropriated by this
Act, the United States Agency for International Development
may provide an exception to the fair opportunity process for
placing task orders under such contracts when the order is
placed with any category of small or small disadvantaged
business.
(f) Reconstituting Civilian Police Authority.--In providing
assistance with funds appropriated by this Act under section
660(b)(6) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, support for
a nation emerging from instability may be deemed to mean
support for regional, district, municipal, or other sub-
national entity emerging from instability, as well as a
nation emerging from instability.
(g) World Food Program.--Of the funds managed by the Bureau
for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance of the
United States Agency for International Development, from this
or any other Act, not less than $10,000,000 shall be made
available as a general contribution to the World Food
Program, notwithstanding any other provision of law.
(h) Extension of Authority.--
(1) With respect to funds appropriated by this Act that are
available for assistance for Pakistan, the President may
waive the prohibition on assistance contained in section 608
of this Act subject to the requirements contained in section
1(b) of Public Law 107-57, as amended, for a determination
and certification, and consultation, by the President prior
to the exercise of such waiver authority.
(2) Section 612 of this Act and section 620(q) of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 shall not apply with respect
to assistance for Pakistan from funds appropriated by this
Act.
(3) Notwithstanding the date contained in section 6 of
Public Law 107-57, as amended, the provisions of sections 2
and 4 of that Act shall remain in effect through the current
fiscal year.
(i) Middle East Foundation.--Of the funds appropriated in
this Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' that are
available for the Middle East Partnership Initiative, may be
made available, including as an endowment, notwithstanding
any other provision of law and following consultations with
the Committees on Appropriations, to establish and operate a
Middle East Foundation, or any other similar entity, whose
purposes include to support democracy, governance, human
rights, and the rule of law: Provided, That such funds may be
made available to the Foundation only to the extent that the
Foundation has commitments from sources other than the United
States Government to at least match the funds provided under
the authority of this subsection: Provided further, That
provisions contained in section 201 of the Support for East
European Democracy (SEED) Act of 1989 (excluding the
authorizations of appropriations provided in subsection (b)
of that section and the requirement that a majority of the
members of the board of directors be citizens of the United
States provided in subsection (d)(3)(B) of that section)
shall be deemed to apply to any such foundation or similar
entity referred to under this subsection, and to funds made
available to such entity, in order to enable it to provide
assistance for purposes of this section: Provided further,
That prior to the initial obligation of funds for any such
foundation or similar entity pursuant to the authorities of
this subsection, other than for administrative support, the
Secretary of State shall take steps to ensure, on an ongoing
basis, that any such funds made available pursuant to such
authorities are not provided to or through any individual or
group that the management of the foundation or similar entity
knows or has reason to believe, advocates, plans, sponsors,
or otherwise engages in terrorist activities: Provided
further, That section 629 of this Act shall apply to any such
foundation or similar entity established pursuant to this
subsection: Provided further, That the authority of the
Foundation, or any similar entity, to provide assistance
shall cease to be effective on September 30, 2010.
(j) Extension of Authority.--The Foreign Operations Export
Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1990
(Public Law 101-167) is amended--
(1) in section 599D (8 U.S.C. 1157 note)--
(A) in subsection(b)(3), before ``2007'' by striking
``and'', and after ``2007'' by inserting, ``and 2008,'' and
(B) in subsection (e), by striking ``2007'' each place it
appears and inserting ``2008''; and
(2) in section 599E (8 U.S.C. 1255 note) in subsection
(b)(2), by striking ``2007'' and inserting ``2008''.
arab league boycott of israel
Sec. 634. It is the sense of the Congress that--
(1) the Arab League boycott of Israel, and the secondary
boycott of American firms that have commercial ties with
Israel, is an impediment to peace in the region and to United
States investment and trade in the Middle East and North
Africa;
(2) the Arab League boycott, which was regrettably
reinstated in 1997, should be immediately and publicly
terminated, and the Central Office for the Boycott of Israel
immediately disbanded;
(3) all Arab League states should normalize relations with
their neighbor Israel;
(4) the President and the Secretary of State should
continue to vigorously oppose the Arab League boycott of
Israel and find concrete steps to demonstrate that opposition
by, for example, taking into consideration the participation
of any recipient country in the boycott when determining to
sell weapons to said country; and
(5) the President should report to Congress annually on
specific steps being taken by the United States to encourage
Arab League states to normalize their relations with Israel
to bring about the termination of the Arab League boycott of
Israel, including those to encourage allies and trading
partners of the United States to enact laws prohibiting
businesses from complying with the boycott and penalizing
businesses that do comply.
eligibility for assistance
Sec. 635. (a) Assistance Through Nongovernmental
Organizations.--Restrictions contained under titles II
through V of this or any other Act with respect to assistance
for a country shall not be construed to restrict assistance
in support of programs of nongovernmental organizations from
funds appropriated by this Act to carry out the provisions of
chapters 1, 10, 11, and 12 of part I and chapter 4 of part II
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, and from funds
appropriated under the heading ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN
EUROPE AND THE BALTIC STATES'': Provided, That before using
the authority of this subsection to furnish assistance in
support of programs of nongovernmental organizations, the
President shall notify the Committees on Appropriations under
the regular notification procedures of those committees,
including a description of the program to be assisted, the
assistance to be provided, and the reasons for furnishing
such assistance: Provided further, That nothing in this
subsection shall be construed to alter any existing statutory
prohibitions against abortion or involuntary sterilizations
contained in this or any other Act.
(b) Public Law 480.--During fiscal year 2008, restrictions
contained in this or any other Act with respect to assistance
for a country shall not be construed to restrict assistance
under the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
of 1954: Provided, That none of the funds appropriated to
carry
[[Page H6903]]
out title I of such Act and made available pursuant to this
subsection may be obligated or expended except as provided
through the regular notification procedures of the Committees
on Appropriations.
(c) Exception.--This section shall not apply--
(1) with respect to section 620A of the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961 or any comparable provision of law prohibiting
assistance to countries that support international terrorism;
or
(2) with respect to section 116 of the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961 or any comparable provision of law prohibiting
assistance to the government of a country that violates
internationally recognized human rights.
reservations of funds
Sec. 636. (a) Funds appropriated under titles II through V
of this Act which are specifically designated may be
reprogrammed for other programs within the same account
notwithstanding the designation if compliance with the
designation is made impossible by operation of any provision
of this or any other Act: Provided, That any such
reprogramming shall be subject to the regular notification
procedures of the Committees on Appropriations: Provided
further, That assistance that is reprogrammed pursuant to
this subsection shall be made available under the same terms
and conditions as originally provided.
(b) In addition to the authority contained in subsection
(a), the original period of availability of funds
appropriated by this Act and administered by the United
States Agency for International Development that are
specifically designated for particular programs or activities
by this or any other Act shall be extended for an additional
fiscal year if the Administrator of such agency determines
and reports promptly to the Committees on Appropriations that
the termination of assistance to a country or a significant
change in circumstances makes it unlikely that such
designated funds can be obligated during the original period
of availability: Provided, That such designated funds that
are continued available for an additional fiscal year shall
be obligated only for the purpose of such designation.
ceilings and designated funding levels
Sec. 637. Ceilings and specifically designated funding
levels contained in this Act shall not be applicable to funds
or authorities appropriated or otherwise made available by
any subsequent Act unless such Act specifically so directs:
Provided, That specifically designated funding levels or
minimum funding requirements contained in any other Act shall
not be applicable to funds appropriated by this Act.
prohibition on publicity or propaganda
Sec. 638. No part of any appropriation contained in this
Act shall be used for publicity or propaganda purposes within
the United States not authorized before the date of the
enactment of this Act by the Congress: Provided, That not to
exceed $25,000 may be made available to carry out the
provisions of section 316 of Public Law 96-533.
prohibition of payments to united nations members
Sec. 639. None of the funds appropriated or made available
pursuant to titles II through V of this Act for carrying out
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, may be used to pay in
whole or in part any assessments, arrearages, or dues of any
member of the United Nations or, from funds appropriated by
this Act to carry out chapter 1 of part I of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, the costs for participation of
another country's delegation at international conferences
held under the auspices of multilateral or international
organizations.
nongovernmental organizations--documentation
Sec. 640. None of the funds appropriated or made available
pursuant to titles II through V of this Act shall be
available to a nongovernmental organization which fails to
provide upon timely request any document, file, or record
necessary to the auditing requirements of the United States
Agency for International Development.
prohibition on assistance to foreign governments that export lethal
military equipment to countries supporting international terrorism
Sec. 641. (a) None of the funds appropriated or otherwise
made available by titles II through V of this Act may be
available to any foreign government which provides lethal
military equipment to a country the government of which the
Secretary of State has determined is a terrorist government
for purposes of section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act
of 1979. The prohibition under this section with respect to a
foreign government shall terminate 12 months after that
government ceases to provide such military equipment. This
section applies with respect to lethal military equipment
provided under a contract entered into after October 1, 1997.
(b) Assistance restricted by subsection (a) or any other
similar provision of law, may be furnished if the President
determines that furnishing such assistance is important to
the national interests of the United States.
(c) Whenever the waiver authority of subsection (b) is
exercised, the President shall submit to the appropriate
Congressional committees a report with respect to the
furnishing of such assistance. Any such report shall include
a detailed explanation of the assistance to be provided,
including the estimated dollar amount of such assistance, and
an explanation of how the assistance furthers United States
national interests.
withholding of assistance for parking fines and real property taxes
owed by foreign countries
Sec. 642. (a) Subject to subsection (c), of the funds
appropriated under titles II through V of this Act that are
made available for assistance for a foreign country, an
amount equal to 110 percent of the total amount of the unpaid
fully adjudicated parking fines and penalties and unpaid
property taxes owed by the central government of such country
shall be withheld from obligation for assistance for the
central government of such country until the Secretary of
State submits a certification to the appropriate
congressional committees stating that such parking fines and
penalties and unpaid property taxes are fully paid.
(b) Funds withheld from obligation pursuant to subsection
(a) may be made available for other programs or activities
funded by this Act, after consultation with and subject to
the regular notification procedures of the appropriate
congressional committees, provided that no such funds shall
be made available for assistance for the central government
of a foreign country that has not paid the total amount of
the fully adjudicated parking fines and penalties and unpaid
property taxes owed by such country.
(c) Subsection (a) shall not include amounts that have been
withheld under any other provision of law.
(d)(1) The Secretary of State may waive the requirements
set forth in subsection (a) with respect to parking fines and
penalties no sooner than 60 days from the date of enactment
of this Act, or at any time with respect to a particular
country, if the Secretary determines that it is in the
national interests of the United States to do so.
(2) The Secretary of State may waive the requirements set
forth in subsection (a) with respect to the unpaid property
taxes if the Secretary of State determines that it is in the
national interests of the United States to do so.
(e) Not later than six months after the initial exercise of
the waiver authority in subsection (d), the Secretary of
State, after consultations with the City of New York, shall
submit a report to the Committees on Appropriations
describing a strategy, including a timetable and steps
currently being taken, to collect the parking fines and
penalties and unpaid property taxes and interest owed by
nations receiving foreign assistance under this Act.
(f) In this section:
(1) The term ``appropriate congressional committees'' means
the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate and the
Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives.
(2) The term ``fully adjudicated'' includes circumstances
in which the person to whom the vehicle is registered--
(A)(i) has not responded to the parking violation summons;
or (ii) has not followed the appropriate adjudication
procedure to challenge the summons; and
(B) the period of time for payment of or challenge to the
summons has lapsed.
(3) The term ``parking fines and penalties'' means parking
fines and penalties--
(A) owed to--
(i) the District of Columbia; or
(ii) New York, New York; and
(B) incurred during the period April 1, 1997, through
September 30, 2007.
(4) The term ``unpaid property taxes'' means the amount of
unpaid taxes and interest determined to be owed by a foreign
country on real property in the District of Columbia or New
York, New York in a court order or judgment entered against
such country by a court of the United States or any State or
subdivision thereof.
limitation on assistance for the plo for the west bank and gaza
Sec. 643. None of the funds appropriated under titles II
through V of this Act may be obligated for assistance for the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) for the West Bank and
Gaza unless the President has exercised the authority under
section 604(a) of the Middle East Peace Facilitation Act of
1995 (title VI of Public Law 104-107) or any other
legislation to suspend or make inapplicable section 307 of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and that suspension is
still in effect: Provided, That if the President fails to
make the certification under section 604(b)(2) of the Middle
East Peace Facilitation Act of 1995 or to suspend the
prohibition under other legislation, funds appropriated by
this Act may not be obligated for assistance for the
Palestine Liberation Organization for the West Bank and Gaza.
war crimes tribunals drawdown
Sec. 644. If the President determines that doing so will
contribute to a just resolution of charges regarding genocide
or other violations of international humanitarian law, the
President may direct a drawdown pursuant to section 552(c) of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 of up to $30,000,000 of
commodities and services for the United Nations War Crimes
Tribunal established with regard to the former Yugoslavia by
the United Nations Security Council or such other tribunals
or commissions as the Council may establish or authorize to
deal with such violations, without regard to the ceiling
limitation contained in paragraph (2) thereof: Provided, That
the determination required under this section shall be in
lieu of any determinations otherwise required under section
552(c): Provided further, That the drawdown made under
[[Page H6904]]
this section for any tribunal shall not be construed as an
endorsement or precedent for the establishment of any
standing or permanent international criminal tribunal or
court: Provided further, That funds made available for
tribunals other than Yugoslavia, Rwanda, or the Special Court
for Sierra Leone shall be made available subject to the
regular notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations.
landmines
Sec. 645. Notwithstanding any other provision of law,
demining equipment available to the United States Agency for
International Development and the Department of State and
used in support of the clearance of landmines and unexploded
ordnance for humanitarian purposes may be disposed of on a
grant basis in foreign countries, subject to such terms and
conditions as the President may prescribe.
restrictions concerning the palestinian authority
Sec. 646. None of the funds appropriated under titles II
through V of this Act may be obligated or expended to create
in any part of Jerusalem a new office of any department or
agency of the United States Government for the purpose of
conducting official United States Government business with
the Palestinian Authority over Gaza and Jericho or any
successor Palestinian governing entity provided for in the
Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles: Provided, That this
restriction shall not apply to the acquisition of additional
space for the existing Consulate General in Jerusalem:
Provided further, That meetings between officers and
employees of the United States and officials of the
Palestinian Authority, or any successor Palestinian governing
entity provided for in the Israel-PLO Declaration of
Principles, for the purpose of conducting official United
States Government business with such authority should
continue to take place in locations other than Jerusalem. As
has been true in the past, officers and employees of the
United States Government may continue to meet in Jerusalem on
other subjects with Palestinians (including those who now
occupy positions in the Palestinian Authority), have social
contacts, and have incidental discussions.
prohibition of payment of certain expenses
Sec. 647. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available under titles III or IV of this Act under the
heading ``INTERNATIONAL MILITARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING'' or
``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING PROGRAM'' for Informational
Program activities or under the headings ``CHILD SURVIVAL AND
HEALTH PROGRAMS FUND'', ``DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE'', and
``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' may be obligated or expended to pay
for--
(1) alcoholic beverages; or
(2) entertainment expenses for activities that are
substantially of a recreational character, including but not
limited to entrance fees at sporting events, theatrical and
musical productions, and amusement parks.
haiti
Sec. 648. (a) The Government of Haiti shall be eligible to
purchase defense articles and services under the Arms Export
Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.), for the Coast Guard.
(b) Of the funds appropriated by this act under titles III
and IV, not less than $201,584,000 shall be available for
assistance for Haiti: Provided, That not less than the
following amounts of funds appropriated by this Act under the
following heading shall be made available--
(1) $20,000,000 from ``CHILD SURVIVAL AND HEALTH PROGRAMS
FUND'';
(2) $25,000,000 from ``DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE'';
(3) $83,000,000 from ``GLOBAL HIV/AIDS INITIATIVE'';
(4) $63,394,000 from ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'';
(5) $9,000,000 from ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL AND
LAW ENFORCEMENT'';
(6) $990,000 from ``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING PROGRAM'';
and
(7) $200,000 from ``INTERNATIONAL MILITARY EDUCATION AND
TRAINING''.
(c) None of the funds made available in this Act under the
heading ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL AND LAW
ENFORCEMENT'' may be used to transfer excess weapons,
ammunition or other lethal property of an agency of the
United States Government to the Government of Haiti for use
by the Haitian National Police until the Secretary of State
certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that:
(1) the United Nations Mission in Haiti has carried out the
vetting of the senior levels of the Haitian National Police
and has ensured that those credibly alleged to have committed
serious crimes, including drug trafficking and human rights
violations, have been suspended; and
(2) the Haitian National Government is cooperating in a
reform and restructuring plan for the Haitian National Police
and the reform of the judicial system as called for in United
Nations Security Council Resolution 1608 adopted on June 22,
2005.
colombia
Sec. 649. (a) Availability of Funds for Assistance for
Colombia.--Of the funds appropriated in titles III and IV of
this Act, not more than $530,608,000 shall be available for
assistance for Colombia: Provided, That not more than
$49,500,000 shall be available from funds appropriated by
this Act under the headings ``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING
PROGRAM'' and ``INTERNATIONAL MILITARY EDUCATION AND
TRAINING'' for assistance for Colombia: Provided further,
That not less than $22,250,000 shall be available for rule of
law activities from funds appropriated by this Act under the
heading ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL AND LAW
ENFORCEMENT'': Provided further, That of the funds
appropriated by this act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT
FUND'', not less than $218,500,000 shall be apportioned
directly to the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) for alternative development/institution
building and sustainable development programs, of which not
less than $15,000,000 shall be made available for economic
development activities in Afro-Colombian and indigenous
communities, in consultation with Afro-Colombian and
indigenous authorities and community members: Provided
further, That with respect to funds apportioned to USAID
under the previous proviso, the responsibility for policy
decisions for the use of such funds, including what
activities will be funded and the amount of funds that will
be provided for each of those activities, shall be the
responsibility of the Administrator of USAID in consultation
with the Assistant Secretary of State for International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs: Provided further, That
with respect to funds apportioned to USAID under the third
proviso of this section, not less than $16,500,000 shall be
available for judicial reform programs in Colombia; not less
than $8,250,000 shall be made available for assistance for
organizations and programs to protect human rights; and not
less than $5,000,000 shall be made available for assistance
for the Fiscalia: Provided further, That funds made available
to furnish assistance to the Government of Colombia in this
Act and prior year Acts making appropriations for foreign
operations, export financing, and related programs, may be
used (1) to support a unified campaign against narcotics
trafficking and terrorist organizations and activities; and
(2) to take actions to protect human health and welfare in
emergency circumstances, including undertaking rescue
operations: Provided further, That the authority contained in
the previous proviso shall cease to be effective if the
Secretary of State has credible evidence that the Colombian
Government is not conducting vigorous operations to restore
government authority and respect for human rights in areas
under the effective control of paramilitary, illegal self-
defense groups, illegal security cooperatives, or other
criminal and guerrilla organizations: Provided further, That
the President shall ensure that if any helicopter procured
with funds in this Act or prior Acts making appropriations
for foreign operations, export financing, and related
programs, is used to aid or abet the operations of any
illegal self-defense group or illegal security cooperative,
such helicopter shall be immediately returned to the United
States.
limitation on assistance to the palestinian authority
Sec. 650. (a) Prohibition of Funds.--None of the funds
appropriated by this Act to carry out the provisions of
chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961
may be obligated or expended with respect to providing funds
to the Palestinian Authority.
(b) Waiver.--The prohibition included in subsection (a)
shall not apply if the President certifies in writing to the
Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro
tempore of the Senate that waiving such prohibition is
important to the national security interests of the United
States.
(c) Period of Application of Waiver.--Any waiver pursuant
to subsection (b) shall be effective for no more than a
period of 6 months at a time and shall not apply beyond 12
months after the enactment of this Act.
(d) Report.--Whenever the waiver authority pursuant to
subsection (b) is exercised, the President shall submit a
report to the Committees on Appropriations detailing the
steps the Palestinian Authority has taken to arrest
terrorists, confiscate weapons and dismantle the terrorist
infrastructure. The report shall also include a description
of how funds will be spent and the accounting procedures in
place to ensure that they are properly disbursed.
limitation on assistance to security forces
Sec. 651. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be provided to any unit of the security forces of a foreign
country if the Secretary of State has credible evidence that
such unit has committed gross violations of human rights,
unless the Secretary determines and reports to the Committees
on Appropriations that the government of such country is
taking effective measures to bring the responsible members of
the security forces unit to justice: Provided, That nothing
in this section shall be construed to withhold funds made
available under titles II through V of this Act from any unit
of the security forces of a foreign country not credibly
alleged to be involved in gross violations of human rights:
Provided further, That in the event that funds are withheld
from any unit pursuant to this section, the Secretary of
State shall promptly inform the foreign government of the
basis for such action and shall, to the maximum extent
practicable, assist the foreign government in taking
effective measures to bring the responsible members of the
security forces to justice.
[[Page H6905]]
foreign military training report
Sec. 652. The annual foreign military training report
required by section 656 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961
shall be submitted by the Secretary of Defense and the
Secretary of State to the Committees on Appropriations of the
House of Representatives and the Senate by the date specified
in that section.
authorization requirement
Sec. 653. Funds appropriated by this Act, except funds
appropriated under the headings ``TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT
AGENCY'', ``OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION'', and
``GLOBAL HIV/AIDS INITIATIVE'', may be obligated and expended
notwithstanding section 10 of Public Law 91-672 and section
15 of the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956.
libya
Sec. 654. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to carry out any diplomatic operations in Libya or
accept the credentials of any representative of the
Government of Libya until such time as the President
certifies to Congress that Libya has taken irrevocable steps
to pay, in its entirety, the total amount of the settlement
commitment of $10,000,000 to the surviving families of each
descendent of Pan Am Flight 103 and certifies to Congress
that Libya will continue to work in good faith to resolve the
outstanding cases of United States victims of terrorism
sponsored or supported by Libya, including the settlement of
the La Belle Discotheque bombing.
palestinian statehood
Sec. 655. (a) Limitation on Assistance.--None of the funds
appropriated under titles II through V of this Act may be
provided to support a Palestinian state unless the Secretary
of State determines and certifies to the appropriate
congressional committees that--
(1) a new leadership of a Palestinian governing entity has
been democratically elected through credible and competitive
elections;
(2) the elected governing entity of a new Palestinian
state--
(A) has demonstrated a firm commitment to peaceful co-
existence with the State of Israel;
(B) is taking appropriate measures to counter terrorism and
terrorist financing in the West Bank and Gaza, including the
dismantling of terrorist infrastructures;
(C) is establishing a new Palestinian security entity that
is cooperative with appropriate Israeli and other appropriate
security organizations; and
(3) the Palestinian Authority (or the governing body of a
new Palestinian state) is working with other countries in the
region to vigorously pursue efforts to establish a just,
lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East that will
enable Israel and an independent Palestinian state to exist
within the context of full and normal relationships, which
should include--
(A) termination of all claims or states of belligerency;
(B) respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty,
territorial integrity, and political independence of every
state in the area through measures including the
establishment of demilitarized zones;
(C) their right to live in peace within secure and
recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;
(D) freedom of navigation through international waterways
in the area; and
(E) a framework for achieving a just settlement of the
refugee problem.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
the newly-elected governing entity should enact a
constitution assuring the rule of law, an independent
judiciary, and respect for human rights for its citizens, and
should enact other laws and regulations assuring transparent
and accountable governance.
(c) Waiver.--The President may waive subsection (a) if he
determines that it is vital to the national security
interests of the United States to do so.
(d) Exemption.--The restriction in subsection (a) shall not
apply to assistance intended to help reform the Palestinian
Authority and affiliated institutions, or a newly-elected
governing entity, in order to help meet the requirements of
subsection (a), consistent with the provisions of section 650
of this Act (``Limitation on Assistance to the Palestinian
Authority'').
limitations on assistance to colombia
Sec. 656. (a) Withholding of Funds for Assistance to the
Colombian Armed Forces.--
(1) Requirement to withhold assistance funding.--
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, of the funds
appropriated by this Act under the headings ``ANDEAN
COUNTERDRUG INITIATIVE'' and ``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING
PROGRAM'' that are available for assistance for the Colombian
Armed Forces--
(A) 25 percent of such funds under each such heading shall
be withheld from obligation until the Secretary of State
consults with, and submits a written certification to the
Committees on Appropriations that the Government of Colombia
has met the requirements described in subparagraphs (A)
through (D) of paragraph (2); and
(B) An additional 15 percent of such funds under each such
heading shall be withheld from obligation until July 31,
2008, and shall only be obligated after the Secretary of
State consults with, and submits a written certification to,
the Committees on Appropriations that, the Government of
Colombia is continuing to meet the requirements described in
subparagraphs (A) through (D) of paragraph (2) and has met
the requirements described in subparagraphs (E) and (F) of
such paragraph.
(2) Requirements.--The requirements referred to in
paragraph (1) are as follows:
(A) The Commander General of the Colombian Armed Forces is
suspending from the Colombian Armed Forces those members, of
whatever rank, who, according to the Minister of Defense or
the Procuraduria General de la Nacion, have been credibly
alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights,
including extra-judicial killings, or to have aided or
abetted paramilitary organizations.
(B) The Government of Colombia is investigating and
prosecuting, in the civilian justice system, those members of
the Colombian Armed Forces, of whatever rank, who have been
credibly alleged to have committed human rights violations,
including extra-judicial killings, torture, or attacks
against human rights defenders, or to have aided or abetted
paramilitary organizations or successor armed groups, is
suspending such members during the course of investigation,
and is promptly punishing those members of the Colombian
Armed Forces found to have committed such violations of human
rights or to have aided or abetted paramilitary organizations
or successor armed groups.
(C) The Colombian Armed Forces have made demonstrable
efforts to cooperate fully with civilian prosecutors and
judicial authorities in cases referred to in subparagraph (B)
(including providing requested information, such as the
identity of persons suspended from the Armed Forces and the
nature and cause of the suspension, and access to witnesses,
relevant military documents, and other requested
information).
(D) The Government of Colombia is ensuring that the
Colombian Armed Forces are not violating the land and
property rights of Colombia's indigenous and Afro-Colombian
communities, and that the Colombian Armed Forces are
appropriately distinguishing between civilians, including
displaced persons, and combatants in their operations.
(E) The Colombian Armed Forces have made substantial
progress in and are severing links (including denying access
to military intelligence, vehicles, and other equipment or
supplies, and ceasing other forms of active or tacit
cooperation) at all levels, with paramilitary organizations
or successor armed groups, especially in regions in which
such organizations have or had a significant presence.
(F) The civilian judicial authorities of the Government of
Colombia are making demonstrable progress in dismantling
paramilitary leadership and financial networks by arresting
and vigorously prosecuting under civilian criminal law
individuals who have provided financial, planning, or
logistical support, or have otherwise aided or abetted
paramilitary organizations or successor armed groups, by
identifying and confiscating land and other assets illegally
acquired by paramilitary organizations or their associates
and returning such land or assets to their rightful owners,
by revoking reduced sentences for demobilized paramilitaries
who engage in new criminal activity, and by arresting,
prosecuting under civilian criminal law, and when requested,
promptly extraditing to the United States, new, re-armed, and
non-demobilized members of successor groups, especially in
regions in which these networks have or had a significant
presence.
(3) Certain funds exempted.--The requirement to withhold
funds from obligation pursuant to subparagraphs (A) and (B)
of paragraph (1) shall not apply with respect to funds made
available under the heading ``ANDEAN COUNTERDRUG INITIATIVE''
for continued support for the Critical Flight Safety Program
or any alternative development programs in Colombia
administered by the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs of the Department of State.
(4) Report.--At the time the Secretary of State submits the
certifications required by paragraph (1)(A) and (1)(B) of
this subsection, the Secretary shall also submit to the
Committees on Appropriations a report that contains, with
respect to each such paragraph, a detailed description of the
specific actions taken by both the Colombian Government and
Colombian Armed Forces which supports each requirement of the
certification, and the cases or issues brought to the
attention of the Secretary for which the response or action
taken by the Colombian Government or Armed Forces has been
inadequate.
(b) Congressional Notification.--Funds made available by
this Act for the Colombian Armed Forces shall be subject to
the regular notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations.
(c) Consultative Process.--Not later than 60 days after the
date of enactment of this Act, and every 90 days thereafter
until September 30, 2010, the Secretary of State shall
consult with internationally recognized human rights
organizations regarding progress in meeting the requirements
contained in subsection (a)(2).
(d) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Aided or abetted.--The term ``aided or abetted'' means
to provide any support to
[[Page H6906]]
paramilitary or successor armed groups, including taking
actions which allow, facilitate, or otherwise foster the
activities of such groups.
(2) Paramilitary groups.--The term ``paramilitary groups''
means illegal self-defense groups and illegal security
cooperatives, including those groups and cooperatives that
have formerly demobilized but continue illegal operations, as
well as parts thereof.
prohibition on assistance to the palestinian broadcasting corporation
Sec. 657. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act may be used to provide equipment,
technical support, consulting services, or any other form of
assistance to the Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation.
support of peace process and demobilization in colombia
Sec. 658. (a) Assistance for Demobilization and Disarmament
of Former Irregular Combatants in Colombia.--(1) Of the funds
appropriated in title III of this Act under the heading
``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'', up to $23,000,000 shall be
available for assistance for the demobilization and full
dismantlement of foreign terrorist organizations in Colombia
in accordance with the funding designations contained in
paragraph (2) and, in the case of assistance under paragraph
(2)(D), the certification requirements contained in paragraph
(3).
(2) Funding designation.--Of the funds made available
pursuant to paragraph (1)--
(A) $10,000,000 shall be made available to support the
Justice and Peace and Human Rights Units of the Fiscalia for
implementation of the Justice and Peace Law;
(B) not less than $5,000,000 shall be made available to
support the Fiscalia, Procuraduria, or Defensoria for
establishment of a victims' protection program;
(C) not less than $3,000,000 shall be made available to the
Defensoria to support legal representation of victims as
required by the Justice and Peace Law; and
(D) up to $5,000,000 shall be made available for assistance
for the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration of
former members of foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) in
Colombia, specifically the United Self-Defense Forces of
Colombia (AUC), the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
(FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN), if the
Secretary of State submits a certification described in
paragraph (3) to the Committees on Appropriations prior to
the initial obligation of amounts for such assistance.
(3) Certification.--The certification required by paragraph
(2)(D) is a certification that--
(A) assistance for the fiscal year will be provided only
for individuals who:
(i) have verifiably renounced and terminated any
affiliation or involvement with FTOs or other illegal armed
groups;
(ii) are meeting all the requirements of the Colombia
Demobilization Program, including having fully and truthfully
disclosed their involvement in past crimes and their
knowledge of the foreign terrorist organizations structure,
financing sources, illegal assets, and the location of
kidnapping victims and bodies of the disappeared; and
(iii) are not involved in threatening or intimidating human
rights defenders.
(B) the Government of Colombia is providing full
cooperation to the Government of the United States to
extradite the leaders and members of the FTOs who have been
indicted in the United States for murder, kidnapping,
narcotics trafficking, and other violations of United States
law, and is immediately extraditing to the United States
those commanders, leaders and members indicted in the United
States who are credibly alleged to have breached the terms of
the Colombia Demobilization Program, including by failing to
fully confess their crimes, failing to disclose their assets,
or committing new crimes since the approval of the Justice
and Peace Law;
(C) the Government of Colombia is not taking any steps to
legalize the titles of land or other assets illegally
obtained and held by FTOs, their associates, or successors,
has established effective procedures to identify such land
and assets, and is vigorously confiscating and returning such
land and other assets to their rightful owners; and the
Government of Colombia's reintegration programs exclude any
projects that would leave illegally obtained land or assets
in the possession of FTO members, their associates, or
successors;
(D) members of FTOs who receive sentence reductions under
the Colombian Justice and Peace Law are serving their
sentences in maximum-security penitentiary establishments,
under conditions of detention that are appropriate to deter
and effectively prevent them from continuing to engage in
criminal activity;
(E) the Government of Colombia is implementing a concrete
and workable framework for dismantling the organizational
structures of foreign terrorist organizations;
(F) funds are not made available as cash payments to
individuals and are available only for activities relating to
demobilization, disarmament, reintegration (including
training and education), and vetting; and
(G) the Government of Colombia is promptly, impartially,
and thoroughly investigating all attacks against human rights
defenders allegedly committed by FTOs or other illegal armed
groups.
(4) Report.--The report accompanying the certification
required by paragraph (3) shall specify, with respect to each
condition described in subparagraphs (A) through (G) of
paragraph (3)--
(A) the action taken by the Colombian Government which
supports the certification;
(B) the cases or issues brought to the attention of the
Secretary for which the response or action taken by the
Colombian Government has been inadequate; and
(C) the views of the Colombian Attorney General and the
Inspector General with respect to the Colombian Government's
actions in relation to the conditions described in
subparagraphs (A) through (G) of paragraph (3).
(5) Consultative process.--Not later than 60 days after the
date of enactment of this Act, and every 180 days thereafter
until September 30, 2010, the Secretary of State shall
consult with internationally recognized human rights and
justice organizations, including organizations representing
internally displaced persons, and representatives of victims
of demobilized FTOs, regarding progress in meeting the
conditions contained in paragraph (3).
(6) Foreign terrorist organization defined.--In this
subsection the term ``foreign terrorist organization'' means
an organization designated as a terrorist organization under
section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act.
(7) Congressional notification.--Funds made available in
title III of this Act for demobilization/reintegration of
former members of FTOs in Colombia shall be subject to prior
consultation with, and the regular notification procedures
of, the Committees on Appropriations.
(b) Assistance to the Organization of American States (OAS)
Mission To Support the Peace Process in Colombia.--Of the
funds appropriated by this Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC
SUPPORT FUND'', not less than $3,000,000 shall be made
available to support the peace process in Colombia, as
follows:
(1) not less than $2,700,000 shall be made available to the
OAS Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia to
assist the mission to fulfill its mandate of independent
international verification of the paramilitary demobilization
process; and
(2) not less than $300,000 may be made available to the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to conduct
monitoring of the demobilization process.
west bank and gaza program
Sec. 659. (a) Oversight.--For fiscal year 2008, 30 days
prior to the initial obligation of funds for the bilateral
West Bank and Gaza Program, the Secretary of State shall
certify to the Committees on Appropriations that procedures
have been established to assure the Comptroller General of
the United States will have access to appropriate United
States financial information in order to review the uses of
United States assistance for the Program funded under the
heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' for the West Bank and Gaza.
(b) Vetting.--Prior to the obligation of funds appropriated
by this Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' for
assistance for the West Bank and Gaza, the Secretary of State
shall take all appropriate steps to ensure that such
assistance is not provided to or through any individual,
private or government entity, or educational institution that
the Secretary knows or has reason to believe advocates,
plans, sponsors, engages in, or has engaged in, terrorist
activity nor those that have as a trustee any member of a
certified foreign terrorist organization. The Secretary of
State shall, as appropriate, establish procedures specifying
the steps to be taken in carrying out this subsection and
shall terminate assistance to any individual, entity, or
educational institution which she has determined to be
involved in or advocating terrorist activity.
(c) Prohibition.--
(1) None of the funds appropriated under titles II thourgh
V of this Act for assistance under the West Bank and Gaza
program may be made available for the purpose of recognizing
or otherwise honoring individuals who commit, or have
committed acts of terrorism.
(2) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, none of the
funds made available by this or prior appropriations act,
including funds made available by transfer, may be made
available for obligation for security assistance for the West
Bank and Gaza until the Secretary of State reports to the
Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives
on the benchmarks that have been established for security
assistance for the West Bank and Gaza and reports on the
extent of Palestinian compliance with such benchmarks.
(d) Audits.--
(1) The Administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development shall ensure that Federal or non-
Federal audits of all contractors and grantees, and
significant subcontractors and sub-grantees, under the West
Bank and Gaza Program, are conducted at least on an annual
basis to ensure, among other things, compliance with this
section.
(2) Of the funds appropriated by this Act up to $1,000,000
may be used by the Office of the Inspector General of the
United States Agency for International Development for
audits, inspections, and other activities in furtherance of
the requirements of this subsection.
(e) Subsequent to the certification specified in subsection
(a), the Comptroller General of the United States shall
conduct an
[[Page H6907]]
audit and an investigation of the treatment, handling, and
uses of all funds for the bilateral West Bank and Gaza
Program in fiscal year 2008 under the heading ``ECONOMIC
SUPPORT FUND''. The audit shall address--
(1) the extent to which such Program complies with the
requirements of subsections (b) and (c), and
(2) an examination of all programs, projects, and
activities carried out under such Program, including both
obligations and expenditures.
(f) Not later than 180 days after enactment of this act,
the secretary of state shall submit a report to the
committees on appropriations updating the report contained in
section 2106 of chapter 2 of title II of Public Law 109-13.
contributions to the united nations population fund
Sec. 660. (a) Limitations on Amount of Contribution.--Of
the amounts made available under ``International
Organizations and Programs'' and ``Child Survival and Health
Programs Fund'' accounts for fiscal year 2008, $40,000,000
shall be made available for the United Nations Population
Fund (UNFPA): Provided, That of this amount, not less than
$23,000,000 shall be derived from funds appropriated under
the heading ``International Organizations and Programs''.
(b) Availability of Funds.--Funds appropriated under the
heading ``INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND PROGRAMS'' in this
Act that are available for UNFPA, that are not made available
for UNFPA because of the operation of any provision of law,
shall be transferred to the ``CHILD SURVIVAL AND HEALTH
PROGRAMS FUND'' account and shall be made available for
family planning, maternal, and reproductive health
activities, subject to the regular notification procedures of
the Committees on Appropriations.
(c) Prohibition on Use of Funds in China.--None of the
funds made available under this Act may be used by UNFPA for
a country program in the People's Republic of China.
(d) Conditions on Availability of Funds.--Amounts made
available under this Act for UNFPA may not be made available
to UNFPA unless--
(1) UNFPA maintains amounts made available to UNFPA under
this section in an account separate from other accounts of
UNFPA;
(2) UNFPA does not commingle amounts made available to
UNFPA under this section with other sums; and
(3) UNFPA does not fund abortions.
(e) Report to Congress and Dollar-for-Dollar Withholding of
Funds.--
(1) Not later than four months after the date of enactment
of this Act, the Secretary of State shall submit a report to
the appropriate Congressional committees indicating the
amount of funds that the UNFPA is budgeting for the year in
which the report is submitted for a country program in the
People's Republic of China.
(2) If a report under subparagraph (d) indicates that the
UNFPA plans to spend funds for a country program in the
People's Republic of China in the year covered by the report,
then the amount of such funds that the UNFPA plans to spend
in the People's Republic of China shall be deducted from the
funds made available to the UNFPA after March 1 for
obligation for the remainder of the fiscal year in which the
report is submitted.
(f) Nothing in this section shall be construed to limit the
authority of the President to deny funds to any organization
by reason of the application of another provision of this Act
or any other provision of law.
war criminals
Sec. 661. (a)(1) None of the funds appropriated or
otherwise made available under titles II through V of this
Act may be made available for assistance, and the Secretary
of the Treasury shall instruct the United States Executive
Director at each international financial institution to vote
against any new project involving the extension by such
institutions of any financial or technical assistance, to any
country, entity, or municipality whose competent authorities
have failed, as determined by the Secretary of State, to take
necessary and significant steps to implement its
international legal obligations to apprehend and transfer to
the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
(the ``Tribunal'') all persons in their territory who have
been indicted by the Tribunal and to otherwise cooperate with
the Tribunal.
(2) The provisions of this subsection shall not apply to
humanitarian assistance or assistance for democratization.
(b) The provisions of subsection (a) shall apply unless the
Secretary of State determines and reports to the appropriate
Congressional committees that the competent authorities of
such country, entity, or municipality are--
(1) cooperating with the Tribunal, including access for
investigators to archives and witnesses, the provision of
documents, and the surrender and transfer of indictees or
assistance in their apprehension; and
(2) are acting consistently with the Dayton Accords.
(c) Not less than ten days before any vote in an
international financial institution regarding the extension
of any new project involving financial or technical
assistance or grants to any country or entity described in
subsection (a), the Secretary of the Treasury, in
consultation with the Secretary of State, shall provide to
the Committees on Appropriations a written justification for
the proposed assistance, including an explanation of the
United States position regarding any such vote, as well as a
description of the location of the proposed assistance by
municipality, its purpose, and its intended beneficiaries.
(d) In carrying out this section, the Secretary of State,
the Administrator of the United States Agency for
International Development, and the Secretary of the Treasury
shall consult with representatives of human rights
organizations and all government agencies with relevant
information to help prevent indicted war criminals from
benefiting from any financial or technical assistance or
grants provided to any country or entity described in
subsection (a).
(e) The Secretary of State may waive the application of
subsection (a) with respect to projects within a country,
entity, or municipality upon a written determination to the
Committees on Appropriations that such assistance directly
supports the implementation of the Dayton Accords.
(f) Definitions.--As used in this section:
(1) Country.--The term ``country'' means Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia.
(2) Entity.--The term ``entity'' refers to the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro and the
Republika Srpska.
(3) Municipality.--The term ``municipality'' means a city,
town or other subdivision within a country or entity as
defined herein.
(4) Dayton accords.--The term ``Dayton Accords'' means the
General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, together with annexes relating thereto, done at
Dayton, November 10 through 16, 1995.
user fees
Sec. 662. The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the
United States Executive Director at each international
financial institution (as defined in section 1701(c)(2) of
the International Financial Institutions Act) and the
International Monetary Fund to oppose any loan, grant,
strategy or policy of these institutions that would require
user fees or service charges on poor people for primary
education or primary healthcare, including prevention,
treatment and care efforts for HIV/AIDS, malaria,
tuberculosis, and infant, child, and maternal well-being, in
connection with the institutions' financing programs.
funding for serbia
Sec. 663. (a) Funds appropriated by this Act may be made
available for assistance for the central Government of Serbia
and the Government of Montenegro after May 31, 2008, if the
President has made the determination and certification
contained in subsection (c).
(b) After May 31, 2008, the Secretary of the Treasury
should instruct the United States Executive Director at each
international financial institution to support loans and
assistance to the Government of Serbia and Government of
Montenegro subject to the conditions in subsection (c):
Provided, That section 576 of the Foreign Operations, Export
Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1997, as
amended, shall not apply to the provision of loans and
assistance to the Governments of Serbia and Montenegro
through international financial institutions.
(c) The determination and certification referred to in
subsection (a) is a determination by the President and a
certification to the Committees on Appropriations that the
Government of Serbia and the Government of Montenegro is--
(1) cooperating with the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia including access for investigators,
the provision of documents, timely information on the
location, travel, and sources of financial support of
indictees, and the surrender and transfer of indictees or
assistance in their apprehension, including Ratko Mladic;
(2) taking steps that are consistent with the Dayton
Accords to end Serbian financial, political, security and
other support which has served to maintain separate Republika
Srpska institutions; and
(3) taking steps to implement policies which reflect a
respect for minority rights and the rule of law.
(d) This section shall not apply to Kosovo and Montenegro,
humanitarian assistance or assistance to promote democracy.
community-based police assistance
Sec. 664. (a) Authority.--Funds made available by title III
of this Act to carry out the provisions of chapter 1 of part
I and chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, may be used, notwithstanding section 660 of that Act,
to enhance the effectiveness and accountability of civilian
police authority through training and technical assistance in
human rights, the rule of law, strategic planning, and
through assistance to foster civilian police roles that
support democratic governance including assistance for
programs to prevent conflict, respond to disasters, address
gender-based violence, and foster improved police relations
with the communities they serve.
(b) Notification.--Assistance provided under subsection (a)
shall be subject to prior consultation with, and the regular
notification procedures of, the Committees on Appropriations.
special debt relief for the poorest
Sec. 665. (a) Authority To Reduce Debt.--The President may
reduce amounts owed to
[[Page H6908]]
the United States (or any agency of the United States) by an
eligible country as a result of--
(1) guarantees issued under sections 221 and 222 of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961;
(2) credits extended or guarantees issued under the Arms
Export Control Act; or
(3) any obligation or portion of such obligation, to pay
for purchases of United States agricultural commodities
guaranteed by the Commodity Credit Corporation under export
credit guarantee programs authorized pursuant to section 5(f)
of the Commodity Credit Corporation Charter Act of June 29,
1948, as amended, section 4(b) of the Food for Peace Act of
1966, as amended (Public Law 89-808), or section 202 of the
Agricultural Trade Act of 1978, as amended (Public Law 95-
501).
(b) Limitations.--
(1) The authority provided by subsection (a) may be
exercised only to implement multilateral official debt relief
and referendum agreements, commonly referred to as ``Paris
Club Agreed Minutes''.
(2) The authority provided by subsection (a) may be
exercised only in such amounts or to such extent as is
provided in advance by appropriations Acts.
(3) The authority provided by subsection (a) may be
exercised only with respect to countries with heavy debt
burdens that are eligible to borrow from the International
Development Association, but not from the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development, commonly referred to as
``IDA-only'' countries.
(c) Conditions.--The authority provided by subsection (a)
may be exercised only with respect to a country whose
government--
(1) does not have an excessive level of military
expenditures;
(2) has not repeatedly provided support for acts of
international terrorism;
(3) is not failing to cooperate on international narcotics
control matters;
(4) does not engage in a consistent pattern of gross
violations of internationally recognized human rights
(including its military or other security forces); and
(5) is not ineligible for assistance because of the
application of section 527 of the Foreign Relations
Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995.
(d) Availability of Funds.--The authority provided by
subsection (a) may be used only with regard to the funds
appropriated by this Act under the heading ``DEBT
RESTRUCTURING''.
(e) Certain Prohibitions Inapplicable.--A reduction of debt
pursuant to subsection (a) shall not be considered assistance
for the purposes of any provision of law limiting assistance
to a country. The authority provided by subsection (a) may be
exercised notwithstanding section 620(r) of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 or section 321 of the International
Development and Food Assistance Act of 1975.
authority to engage in debt buybacks or sales
Sec. 666. (a) Loans Eligible for Sale, Reduction, or
Cancellation.--
(1) Authority to sell, reduce, or cancel certain loans.--
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President
may, in accordance with this section, sell to any eligible
purchaser any concessional loan or portion thereof made
before January 1, 1995, pursuant to the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961, to the government of any eligible country as
defined in section 702(6) of that Act or on receipt of
payment from an eligible purchaser, reduce or cancel such
loan or portion thereof, only for the purpose of
facilitating--
(A) debt-for-equity swaps, debt-for-development swaps, or
debt-for-nature swaps; or
(B) a debt buyback by an eligible country of its own
qualified debt, only if the eligible country uses an
additional amount of the local currency of the eligible
country, equal to not less than 40 percent of the price paid
for such debt by such eligible country, or the difference
between the price paid for such debt and the face value of
such debt, to support activities that link conservation and
sustainable use of natural resources with local community
development, and child survival and other child development,
in a manner consistent with sections 707 through 710 of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, if the sale, reduction, or
cancellation would not contravene any term or condition of
any prior agreement relating to such loan.
(2) Terms and conditions.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, the President shall, in accordance with
this section, establish the terms and conditions under which
loans may be sold, reduced, or canceled pursuant to this
section.
(3) Administration.--The Facility, as defined in section
702(8) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, shall notify
the administrator of the agency primarily responsible for
administering part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 of
purchasers that the President has determined to be eligible,
and shall direct such agency to carry out the sale,
reduction, or cancellation of a loan pursuant to this
section. Such agency shall make adjustment in its accounts to
reflect the sale, reduction, or cancellation.
(4) Limitation.--The authorities of this subsection shall
be available only to the extent that appropriations for the
cost of the modification, as defined in section 502 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, are made in advance.
(b) Deposit of Proceeds.--The proceeds from the sale,
reduction, or cancellation of any loan sold, reduced, or
canceled pursuant to this section shall be deposited in the
United States Government account or accounts established for
the repayment of such loan.
(c) Eligible Purchasers.--A loan may be sold pursuant to
subsection (a)(1)(A) only to a purchaser who presents plans
satisfactory to the President for using the loan for the
purpose of engaging in debt-for-equity swaps, debt-for-
development swaps, or debt-for-nature swaps.
(d) Debtor Consultations.--Before the sale to any eligible
purchaser, or any reduction or cancellation pursuant to this
section, of any loan made to an eligible country, the
President should consult with the country concerning the
amount of loans to be sold, reduced, or canceled and their
uses for debt-for-equity swaps, debt-for-development swaps,
or debt-for-nature swaps.
(e) Availability of Funds.--The authority provided by
subsection (a) may be used only with regard to funds
appropriated by this Act under the heading ``DEBT
RESTRUCTURING''.
basic education
Sec. 667. Of the funds appropriated by title III of this
Act, not less than $750,000,000 shall be made available for
assistance for developing countries for basic education. Of
this amount, not less than $265,000,000 shall be provided and
implemented in countries that have an approved national
education plan.
(a) Coordinator.--There shall be established within the
Department of State in the immediate office of the Secretary
of State, a Coordinator of United States Government
activities to provide basic education assistance in
developing countries (hereinafter in this section referred to
as the ``Coordinator'').
(b) Responsibilities.--That this Coordinator shall have
primary responsibility for the oversight and coordination of
all resources and international activities of the United
States Government that provide assistance in developing
countries for basic education. The individual serving as the
Coordinator may not hold any other position in the Federal
Government during the individual's time of service as
Coordinator.
(c) Strategy.--The President shall develop a comprehensive
integrated United States Government strategy to provide
assistance in developing countries for basic education within
90 days of enactment of this Act.
(d) Report to Congress.--Not later than September 30, 2008,
the Secretary of State shall report to the Committees on
Appropriations on the implementation of United States
Government assistance programs in developing countries for
basic education.
(e) Funds appropriated by title II of Public Law 109-102
and provided to the Comptroller General pursuant to section
567 of that Act shall be available until expended and are
also available to the Comptroller General to conduct further
evaluations of basic education programs in developing
countries under the direction of the Committees on
Appropriations.
reconciliation programs
Sec. 668. Of the funds appropriated by title III of this
Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'', not less
than $12,000,000 shall be made available to support Conflict
Resolution and Reconciliation Programs and an additional
amount of $11,000,000 shall be made available to support
Middle East People to People Coexistence Programs to promote
activities which bring together individuals of different
ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds from areas of
civil conflict and war.
sudan
Sec. 669. (a) Limitation on Assistance.--Subject to
subsection (d):
(1) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, none of the
funds appropriated by this Act may be made available for
assistance for the Government of Sudan.
(2) None of the funds appropriated by this Act may be made
available for the cost, as defined in section 502, of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, of modifying loans and loan
guarantees held by the Government of Sudan, including the
cost of selling, reducing, or canceling amounts owed to the
United States, and modifying concessional loans, guarantees,
and credit agreements.
(b) Subsection (a) shall not apply if the Secretary of
State determines and certifies to the Committees on
Appropriations that--
(1) The Government of Sudan honors its pledges to cease
attacks upon civilians and disarms and demobilizes the
Janjaweed and other government-supported militias;
(2) The Government of Sudan and all government-supported
militia groups are honoring their commitments made in all
previous cease-fire agreements;
(3) The Government of Sudan is allowing unimpeded access to
Darfur to humanitarian aid organizations, the human rights
investigation and humanitarian teams of the United Nations,
including protection officers, and the international
monitoring team that is based in Darfur and has the support
of the United States;
(c) Exceptions.--The provisions of subsection (b) shall not
apply to--
(1) humanitarian assistance;
(2) assistance for the Darfur region, Southern Sudan,
Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains State, Blue Nile State, and
Abyei; and
(3) assistance to support implementation of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement
or any other internationally-recognized viable peace
agreement in Sudan.
(d) Definitions.--For the purposes of this Act, the term
``Government of Sudan'', shall
[[Page H6909]]
not include the Government of Southern Sudan.
(e) Notwithstanding any other law, assistance in this Act
may be made available to the Government of Southern Sudan to
provide non-lethal military assistance, military education
and training, and defense services controlled under the
International Traffic in Arms Regulations (22 CRF 120.1 et
seq.) if the Secretary of State--
(1) determines that the provision of such items is in the
national interest of the United States; and
(2) not later than 15 days before the provision of any such
assistance, notifies the Committees on Appropriations and the
Committee on Foreign Relations in the Senate and the
Committee on Foreign Affairs in the House of Representatives
of such determination.
trade capacity building
Sec. 670. Of the funds appropriated by this Act, under the
headings ``DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE'', ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN
EUROPE AND THE BALTIC STATES'', ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'',
``ANDEAN COUNTERDRUG INITIATIVE'', and ``ASSISTANCE FOR THE
INDEPENDENT STATES OF THE FORMER SOVIET UNION'', not less
than $525,000,000 should be made available for trade capacity
building assistance: Provided, That $10,000,000 of the funds
appropriated in this Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT
FUND'' shall be made available for labor and environmental
capacity building activities relating to the free trade
agreement with the countries of Central America and the
Dominican Republic.
excess defense articles for central and south european countries and
certain other countries
Sec. 671. Notwithstanding section 516(e) of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2321j(e)), during fiscal
year 2008, funds available to the Department of Defense may
be expended for crating, packing, handling, and
transportation of excess defense articles transferred under
the authority of section 516 of such Act to Albania,
Afghanistan, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Former Yugoslavian
Republic of Macedonia, Georgia, India, Iraq, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Mongolia, Pakistan,
Romania, Slovakia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine.
assistance to colombia law enforcement to combat illegal armed groups
Sec. 672. (a) Assistance to Law Enforcement and
Intelligence Agencies.--
(1) Withholding obligations of funds.--The Secretary of
State shall withhold the obligation of funds for assistance
to any Colombian law enforcement or intelligence agency,
including the Colombian National Police, the Fiscalia, and
the Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad (the
Intelligence Service), if the Secretary determines that--
(A) there has been significant infiltration of the agency
by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the
National Liberation Army (ELN), or the United Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (AUC), successor groups, or criminal
organizations; or
(B) the agency's leadership has willfully provided any
support to such groups, including taking actions or failing
to take actions which allow, facilitate, or otherwise foster
the activities of such groups.
(2) Resumption of assistance.--The Secretary of State may
resume the obligation of funds suspended under paragraph (1)
if the Secretary determines and certifies to the Committees
on Appropriations, based on a careful review of the structure
and membership of the agency involved, that it has credibly
and effectively eliminated the penetration of individuals
associated with illegal armed groups, and removed those
leaders and members who were providing support to such
groups.
(b) Illegal Armed Groups.--
(1) Denial of visas to supporters of colombian illegal
armed groups.--Subject to paragraph (2), the Secretary of
State shall not issue a visa to any alien who the Secretary
determines, based on credible evidence--
(A) has willfully provided any support to the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army
(ELN), or the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC),
or successor groups, including taking actions or failing to
take actions which allow, facilitate, or otherwise foster the
activities of such groups; or
(B) has committed, ordered, incited, assisted, or otherwise
participated in the commission of gross violations of human
rights, including extra-judicial killings, in Colombia.
(2) Waiver.--Paragraph (1) shall not apply if the Secretary
of State determines and certifies to the Committees on
Appropriations, on a case-by-case basis, that the issuance of
a visa to the alien is necessary to support the peace process
in Colombia or for urgent humanitarian reasons.
cuba
Sec. 673. None of the funds appropriated by this Act under
the heading ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL AND LAW
ENFORCEMENT'' may be made available for assistance to the
Government of Cuba.
gender-based violence
Sec. 674. Programs funded under titles III and IV of this
Act that provide training for foreign police, judicial, and
military officials, shall include, where appropriate,
programs and activities that address gender-based violence.
limitation on economic support fund assistance for certain foreign
governments that are parties to the international criminal court
Sec. 675. (a) None of the funds made available in this Act
under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' may be used to
provide assistance to the government of a country that is a
party to the International Criminal Court and has not entered
into an agreement with the United States pursuant to Article
98 of the Rome Statute preventing the International Criminal
Court from proceeding against United States personnel present
in such country.
(b) The President may, with prior notice to Congress, waive
the prohibition of subsection (a) with respect to a North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (``NATO'') member country, a
major non-NATO ally (including Australia, Egypt, Israel,
Japan, Jordan, Argentina, the Republic of Korea, and New
Zealand), Taiwan, or such other country as he may determine
if he determines and reports to the appropriate congressional
committees that it is important to the national interests of
the United States to waive such prohibition.
(c) The President may, with prior notice to Congress, waive
the prohibition of subsection (a) with respect to a
particular country if he determines and reports to the
appropriate congressional committees that such country has
entered into an agreement with the United States pursuant to
Article 98 of the Rome Statute preventing the International
Criminal Court from proceeding against United States
personnel present in such country.
(d) The prohibition of this section shall not apply to
countries otherwise eligible for assistance under the
Millennium Challenge Act of 2003, notwithstanding section
606(a)(2)(B) of such Act.
tibet
Sec. 676. (a) The Secretary of the Treasury should instruct
the United States Executive Director at each international
financial institution to use the voice and vote of the United
States to support projects in Tibet if such projects do not
provide incentives for the migration and settlement of non-
Tibetans into Tibet or facilitate the transfer of ownership
of Tibetan land and natural resources to non-Tibetans; are
based on a thorough needs-assessment; foster self-sufficiency
of the Tibetan people and respect Tibetan culture and
traditions; and are subject to effective monitoring.
(b) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, not less
than $5,000,000 of the funds appropriated by title III of
this Act under the heading ``ECONOMIC SUPPORT FUND'' should
be made available to nongovernmental organizations to support
activities which preserve cultural traditions and promote
sustainable development and environmental conservation in
Tibetan communities in the Tibetan Autonomous Region and in
other Tibetan communities in China, and not less than
$250,000 should be made available to the National Endowment
for Democracy for human rights and democracy programs
relating to Tibet.
western hemisphere
Sec. 677. (a) Not less than the amounts of funds initially
allocated for the fiscal year 2007 pursuant to section 653(a)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for El Salvador,
Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Honduras under the headings ``CHILD
SURVIVAL AND HEALTH PROGRAMS FUND'' and ``DEVELOPMENT
ASSISTANCE'', should be made available for each such country
from funds appropriated under such headings by this Act.
(b) Not less than the aggregate amount of funds initially
allocated for the fiscal year 2007 pursuant to section 653(a)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for countries in the
Western Hemisphere under the heading ``FOREIGN MILITARY
FINANCING PROGRAM'', should be made available for such
countries from funds appropriated under such heading by this
Act: Provided, That not less than the following amounts from
funds appropriated by this Act under such heading shall be
made available to enhance security in the Western Hemisphere
consistent with democratic principles and the rule of law--
(1) $48,000,000 for assistance for Colombia;
(2) $4,800,000 for assistance for El Salvador;
(3) $500,000 for assistance for Honduras;
(4) $300,000 for assistance for Bolivia;
(5) $250,000 for assistance for Guatemala; and
(6) $100,000 for assistance for Belize.
(c) Funds made available pursuant to subsection (b) shall
be subject to the regular notification procedures of the
Committees on Appropriations.
united states agency for international development management
(including transfer of funds)
Sec. 678. (a) Authority.--Up to $81,000,000 of the funds
made available in title III of this Act to carry out the
provisions of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
including funds appropriated under the heading ``ASSISTANCE
FOR EASTERN EUROPE AND THE BALTIC STATES'', may be used by
the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID) to hire and employ individuals in the United States
and overseas on a limited appointment basis pursuant to the
authority of sections 308 and 309 of the Foreign Service Act
of 1980.
(b) Restrictions.--
[[Page H6910]]
(1) The number of individuals hired in any fiscal year
pursuant to the authority contained in subsection (a) may not
exceed 175.
(2) The authority to hire individuals contained in
subsection (a) shall expire on September 30, 2009.
(c) Conditions.--The authority of subsection (a) may only
be used to the extent that an equivalent number of positions
that are filled by personal services contractors or other
non-direct hire employees of USAID, who are compensated with
funds appropriated to carry out part I of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, including funds appropriated under
the heading ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN EUROPE AND THE BALTIC
STATES'', are eliminated.
(d) Priority Sectors.--In exercising the authority of this
section, primary emphasis shall be placed on enabling USAID
to meet personnel positions in technical skill areas
currently encumbered by contractor or other non-direct hire
personnel.
(e) Consultations.--The USAID Administrator shall consult
with the Committees on Appropriations at least on a quarterly
basis concerning the implementation of this section.
(f) Program Account Charged.--The account charged for the
cost of an individual hired and employed under the authority
of this section shall be the account to which such
individual's responsibilities primarily relate. Funds made
available to carry out this section may be transferred to and
merged and consolidated with funds appropriated for
``OPERATING EXPENSES OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT''.
(g) Management Reform Pilot.--Of the funds made available
in subsection (a), USAID may use, in addition to funds
otherwise available for such purposes, up to $10,000,000 to
fund overseas support costs of members of the Foreign Service
with a Foreign Service rank of four or below: Provided, That
such authority is only used to reduce USAID's reliance on
overseas personal services contractors or other non-direct
hire employees compensated with funds appropriated to carry
out part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, including
funds appropriated under the heading ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN
EUROPE AND THE BALTIC STATES''.
(h) Disaster Surge Capacity.--Funds appropriated under
title III of this Act to carry out part I of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, including funds appropriated under
the heading ``ASSISTANCE FOR EASTERN EUROPE AND THE BALTIC
STATES'', may be used, in addition to funds otherwise
available for such purposes, for the cost (including the
support costs) of individuals detailed to or employed by the
United States Agency for International Development whose
primary responsibility is to carry out programs in response
to natural disasters.
opic transfer authority
(including transfer of funds)
Sec. 679. Whenever the President determines that it is in
furtherance of the purposes of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, up to a total of $20,000,000 of the funds appropriated
under title III of this Act may be transferred to and merged
with funds appropriated by this Act for the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation Program Account, to be subject to the
terms and conditions of that account: Provided, That such
funds shall not be available for administrative expenses of
the Overseas Private Investment Corporation: Provided
further, That designated funding levels in this Act shall not
be transferred pursuant to this section: Provided further,
That the exercise of such authority shall be subject to the
regular notification procedures of the Committees on
Appropriations.
reporting requirement
Sec. 680. The Secretary of State shall provide the
Committees on Appropriations, not later than April 1, 2008,
and for each fiscal quarter, a report in writing on the uses
of funds made available under the headings ``FOREIGN MILITARY
FINANCING PROGRAM'', ``INTERNATIONAL MILITARY EDUCATION AND
TRAINING'', and ``PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS'': Provided, That
such report shall include a description of the obligation and
expenditure of funds, and the specific country in receipt of,
and the use or purpose of the assistance provided by such
funds.
anticorruption provisions
Sec. 681. Twenty percent of the funds appropriated under
title V of this Act under the heading ``INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE'', shall be withheld from disbursement
until the Secretary of the Treasury reports to the
appropriate Congressional committees on the extent to which
the World Bank has completed the following:
(1) World Bank procurement guidelines have been applied to
all procurement financed in whole or in part by a loan from
the World Bank or a credit agreement or grant from the
International Development Association (IDA).
(2) The World Bank proposal ``Increasing the Use of Country
Systems in Procurement'' dated March 2005 has been withdrawn.
(3) The World Bank maintains a strong central procurement
office staffed with senior experts who are designated to
address commercial concerns, questions, and complaints
regarding procurement procedures and payments under IDA and
World Bank projects.
(4) Thresholds for international competitive bidding have
been established to maximize international competitive
bidding in accordance with sound procurement practices,
including transparency, competition, and cost-effective
results for the Borrowers.
(5) All tenders under the World Bank's national competitive
bidding provisions are subject to the same advertisement
requirements as tenders under international competitive
bidding.
(6) Loan agreements between the World Bank and the
Borrowers have been made public.
indonesia
Sec. 682. Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the
heading ``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING PROGRAM'', not more than
$6,000,000 may be made available for assistance for
Indonesia, until the Secretary of State reports to the
Committees on Appropriations on steps taken by the Government
of Indonesia on the following--
(1) prosecution and punishment, in a manner proportional to
the crime, for members of the Armed Forces who have been
credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human
rights;
(2) cooperation by the Armed Forces, at the direction of
the President of Indonesia, with civilian judicial
authorities and with international efforts to resolve cases
of gross violations of human rights in East Timor and
elsewhere; and
(3) implementation by the Armed Forces, at the direction of
the President of Indonesia, of reforms to increase the
transparency and accountability of their operations and
financial management.
establishment of the growth fund
Sec. 683. Establishment of the GROWTH Fund.--
(a) Establishment.--
(1) In general.--The Secretary of State, acting through the
Director of United States Foreign Assistance, shall establish
the Global Resources and Opportunities for Women to Thrive
(GROWTH) Fund for the purpose of enhancing economic
opportunities for very poor, poor, and low-income women in
developing countries with a focus on--
(A) increasing women-owned enterprise development;
(B) increasing property rights for women;
(C) increasing women's access to financial services;
(D) increasing women in leadership in implementing
organizations, such as indigenous nongovernmental
organizations, community-based organizations, and regulated
financial intermediaries;
(E) improving women's employment benefits and conditions;
and
(F) increasing women's ability to benefit from global
trade.
(2) Role of usaid missions.--The Fund shall be available to
USAID missions to apply for additional funding to support
specific additional activities that enhance women's economic
opportunities or to integrate gender into existing economic
opportunity programs.
(b) Activities Supported.--The Fund shall be available to
USAID missions to support--
(1) initiatives to eliminate legal and institutional
barriers to women's ownership of assets, access to credit,
access to information and communication technologies, and
engagement in business activities within or outside of the
home;
(2) microfinance and microenterprise development programs
that--
(A) specifically target women with respect to outreach and
marketing; and
(B) provide products specifically to address women's
assets, needs, and the barriers women encounter with respect
to participation in enterprise and financial services;
(3) programs, projects, and activities for enterprise
development for women in developing countries that--
(A) in coordination with developing country governments and
interested individuals and organizations, encourage or
enhance laws, regulations, enforcement, and other practices
that promote access to banking and financial services for
women-owned small- and medium-sized enterprises, and
eliminate or reduce regulatory barriers that may exist in
this regard;
(B) promote access to information and communication
technologies (ICT) with training in ICT for women-owned
small- and medium-sized enterprises;
(C) provide training, through local associations of women-
owned enterprises or nongovernmental organizations in record
keeping, financial and personnel management, international
trade, business planning, marketing, policy advocacy,
leadership development, and other relevant areas;
(D) provide resources to establish and enhance local,
national, and international networks and associations of
women-owned small- and medium-sized enterprises;
(E) provide incentives for nongovernmental organizations
and regulated financial intermediaries to develop products,
services, and marketing and outreach strategies specifically
designed to facilitate and promote women's participation in
small- and medium-sized business development programs by
addressing women's assets, needs, and the barriers they face
to participation in enterprise and financial services; and
(F) seek to award contracts to qualified indigenous women-
owned small- and medium-sized enterprises, including for
post-conflict reconstruction and to facilitate employment of
indigenous women, including during post-conflict
reconstruction in jobs not traditionally undertaken by women;
(4) programs, projects, and activities for the promotion of
private property rights and
[[Page H6911]]
land tenure security for women in developing countries that
are implemented by local, indigenous nongovernmental and
community-based organizations dedicated to addressing the
needs of women, especially women's organizations that--
(A) advocate to amend and harmonize statutory and customary
law to give women equal rights to own, use, and inherit
property;
(B) promote legal literacy among women and men about
property rights for women and how to exercise such rights;
(C) assist women in making land claims and protecting
women's existing claims; and
(D) advocate for equitable land titling and registration
for women;
(5) activities to increase women's access to employment and
to higher quality employment with better remuneration and
working conditions in developing countries, including access
to insurance and other social safety nets, in informal and
formal employment relative to core labor standards determined
by the International Labor Organization. Such activities
should include--
(A) public education efforts to inform poor women and men
of their legal rights related to employment;
(B) education and vocational training tailored to enable
poor women to access opportunities in potential growth
sectors in their local economies and in jobs within the
formal and informal sectors where women are not traditionally
highly represented;
(C) efforts to support self-employed poor women or wage
workers to form or join independent unions or other labor
associations to increase their income and improve their
working conditions; and
(D) advocacy efforts to protect the rights of women in the
workplace, including--
(i) developing programs with the participation of civil
society to eliminate gender-based violence; and
(ii) providing capacity-building assistance to women's
organizations to effectively research and monitor labor
rights conditions;
(6) assistance to governments and organizations in
developing countries seeking to design and implement laws,
regulations, and programs to improve working conditions for
women and to facilitate their entry into and advancement in
the workplace;
(7) training and education to women in civil society,
including those organizations representing poor women, and to
women-owned enterprises and associations of such enterprises,
on how to respond to economic opportunities created by trade
preference programs, trade agreements, or other policies
creating market access, including training on United States
market access requirements and procedures;
(8) capacity-building for women entrepreneurs, including
microentrepreneurs, on production strategies, quality
standards, formation of cooperatives, market research, and
market development;
(9) capacity-building to women, including poor women, to
promote diversification of products and value-added
processing;
(10) training to official government negotiators
representing developing countries in order to enhance the
ability of such negotiators to formulate trade policy and
negotiate agreements that take into account the respective
needs and priorities of a country's poor women and men;
(11) training to local, indigenous women's groups in
developing countries in order to enhance their ability to
collect information and data, formulate proposals, and inform
and impact official government negotiators representing their
country in international trade negotiations of the respective
needs and priorities of a country's poor women and men; and
(12) technical assistance and capacity-building to local,
indigenous civil society for--
(A) local indigenous women's organizations to the maximum
extent practicable; and
(B) nongovernmental organizations and regulated financial
intermediaries that demonstrate a commitment to gender equity
in their leadership either through current practice or
through specific programs to increase the representation of
women in their governance and management.
peacekeeping cap
Sec. 684. (a) In General.--Section 404(b)(2)(B) of the
Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and
1995, (22 U.S.C. 287e note) is amended at the end by adding
the following: ``(v) For assessments made during calendar
year 2008, 27.1 percent.''.
limitation on basing in iraq
Sec. 685. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used by the Government of the United States to enter into
a basing rights agreement between the United States and Iraq.
Mrs. LOWEY (during the reading). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent that the bill through page 190, line 26, be considered as read,
printed in the Record, and open to amendment at any point.
The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentlewoman
from New York?
There was no objection.
Amendment Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. King of Iowa:
Page 190, line 25, insert ``permanent'' before ``basing
rights agreement''.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) and a Member opposed each
will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, this amendment that I bring to the
floor of the House under limitation on bases in Iraq is an amendment
that addresses the subject matter that we have debated on the floor at
least twice before that I recall. And I believe there is a consensus
here in this Congress, and certainly there has been a message that has
been put forth by the President, that we are not interested in
permanent bases in Iraq but we do have bases there and we do have
temporary basing agreements.
So as I read through this appropriations bill and it says that ``None
of the funds made available in this act may be used by the Government
of the United States to enter into a basing rights agreement between
the United States and Iraq,'' that language clearly forbids any
agreements, however temporary they might be. And so the amendment that
I bring to the floor simply adds the word ``permanent'' to that
language. So that now, if the amendment is adopted, it will read that
none of the funds may be used to enter into a ``permanent'' basing
rights agreement.
I think it is a matter of language and semantics here but a matter of
clarity, too. And I would point out that in our last debate in the 2007
DOD approps, Mr. Murtha made the statement, what we are saying with
this bill is that at this point in time there shouldn't be any
permanent bases in Iraq. What I have done is offer an amendment that
simply says there won't be any of the funds used to promote permanent
bases in Iraq out of this Foreign Ops bill.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KING of Iowa. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to accept the amendment. And
I want to be clear to my colleague from Iowa we all agree that the
United States should not be an occupying power in Iraq, but in no way
does my acceptance of this amendment come to my or the American
people's acquiescence to establishing any other kind of short- or long-
term basing agreements in Iraq. But we are accepting the amendment.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I would say that we may not have the
same view on how to proceed in Iraq, but it is my intention to
foreclose any permanent bases in Iraq and allow those that are under
agreement now and perhaps temporary ones that might be negotiated to
get us through this process. I think that is the intent on both sides
of the aisle. I think that is the intent of the White House. So I
believe we are consistent in our understanding.
Mrs. LOWEY. I thank the gentleman.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
The amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, while I understand that the Chairwoman is
prepared to accept it, this amendment causes me great concern.
Given Mr. King's history in opposition to the underlying provision, I
believe that this amendment is nothing more than a backdoor attempt to
leaving U.S. troops in Iraq long-term.
The bottom line is, Mr. Chairman, when our troops come home, they
should all come home.
And three times, twice in 2006 and once this year Congress passed--
and the President signed into law--legislation prohibiting permanent
military bases in Iraq.
The prospect of having long-term military bases would send the wrong
message to our troops, the Iraqi people, and the world.
The prospect of an indefinite occupation fuels the insurgency by
serving as a recruiting tool for insurgents and places targets on the
backs of our troops.
The Iraq Study Group has recognized the importance of unequivocally
declaring that we have no intention of remaining in Iraq permanently.
Key administration officials, including Secretary Gates have
pronounced that we are not
[[Page H6912]]
going to establish permanent military bases in Iraq.
Even President Bush has declared that we `do not support an
indefinite occupation' in Iraq.
Again, Mr. Chairman, I wish this were a genuine attempt to prohibit
an indefinite occupation in Iraq.
I'm concerned that it is not.
prohibition on use of torture
Sec. 686. None of the funds made available in this Act
shall be used in any way whatsoever to support or justify the
use of torture by any official or contract employee of the
United States Government.
report on indonesian cooperation
Sec. 687. Funds available under the heading ``INTERNATIONAL
MILITARY EDUCATION AND TRAINING'' may only be made available
for assistance for Indonesia if the Secretary of State
submits a report to the Committees on Appropriations that
describes--
(1) Steps taken by the Indonesian government to deny
promotion to and to remove from service military officers
indicted for serious crimes; the extent to which the
Indonesian Government is cooperating with international
efforts to bring current and past officials to justice; and
that past and present Indonesian military officials are
cooperating with domestic inquiries into past abuses,
including the forced disappearance and killing of student
activists in 1998 and 1999;
(2) The Indonesian government's response to the report of
the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in
Timor-Leste and the June 2006 report of the report to the
Secretary-General of the Commission of Experts to Review the
Prosecution of Serious Violations of Human Rights in Timor-
Leste in 1999;
(3) Steps taken by the Indonesian government to implement
and enforce the 2004 Indonesian law which requires the
Indonesian military to divest itself of legal and illegal
businesses before 2009; and
(4) The extent to which the Indonesian government has
removed restrictions impending access to and travel within
the provinces of Papua and West Irian Jaya by United Nations
personnel, diplomats, journalists, international non-
governmental organization personnel and researchers,
humanitarian and human rights workers and others.
limitation on assistance to foreign countries that refuse to extradite
to the united states any individual accused in the united states of
killing a law enforcement officer
Sec. 688. None of the funds made available in this Act for
the Department of State may be used to provide assistance to
the central government of a country which has notified the
Department of State of its refusal to extradite to the United
States any individual indicted in the United States for
killing a law enforcement officer, as specified in a United
States extradition request.
governments that have failed to permit certain extraditions
Sec. 689. None of the funds made available in this Act for
the Department of State, other than funds provided under the
heading ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL AND LAW
ENFORCEMENT'', may be used to provide assistance to the
central government of a country with which the United States
has an extradition treaty and which government has notified
the Department of State of its refusal to extradite to the
United States any individual charged with a criminal offense
for which the maximum penalty is life imprisonment without
the possibility of parole.
international monetary fund budget and hiring ceilings
Sec. 690. The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the
United States Executive Director at the International
Monetary Fund to use the voice of the United States to ensure
that any loan, project, agreement, memorandum, instrument,
plan or other program of the International Monetary Fund does
not penalize countries for increased government spending on
healthcare or education by exempting such increases from
national budget caps or restraints, hiring or wage bill
ceilings or other limits imposed by the International
Monetary Fund.
environment programs
Sec. 691. (a) Funding.--Of the funds appropriated under the
heading ``DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE'', not less than
$501,000,000 shall be made available for programs and
activities which directly protect biodiversity and promote
clean energy.
(b) Climate Change Report.--Not later than 60 days after
the date on which the President's fiscal year 2009 budget
request is submitted to Congress, the President shall submit
a report to the Committees on Appropriations describing in
detail the following--
(1) all Federal agency obligations and expenditures,
domestic and international, for climate change programs and
activities in fiscal year 2009, including an accounting of
expenditures by agency with each agency identifying climate
change activities and associated costs by line item as
presented in the President's Budget Appendix; and
(2) all fiscal year 2007 obligations and estimated
expenditures, fiscal year 2008 estimated expenditures and
estimated obligations, and fiscal year 2009 requested funds
by the United States Agency for International Development, by
country and central program, for each of the following:
(A) to promote the transfer and deployment of a wide range
of United States clean energy and energy efficiency
technologies;
(B) to assist in the measurement, monitoring, reporting,
verification, and reduction of greenhouse gas emissions;
(C) to promote carbon capture and sequestration measures;
(D) to help meet such countries' responsibilities under the
Framework Convention on Climate Change; and
(E) to develop assessments of the vulnerability to impacts
of climate change and mitigation and adaptation response
strategies.
(c) Extraction of Natural Resources.--(1) The Secretary of
the Treasury shall inform the managements of the
international financial institutions and the public that it
is the policy of the United States that any assistance by
such institutions (including but not limited to any loan,
credit, grant, or guarantee) for the extraction and export of
oil, gas, coal, timber, or other natural resource should not
be provided unless the government of the country has in place
or is taking the necessary steps to establish functioning
systems for:
(A) accurately accounting for revenues and expenditures in
connection with the extraction and export of the type of
natural resource to be extracted or exported;
(B) the independent auditing of such accounts and the
widespread public dissemination of the audits; and
(C) verifying government receipts against company payments
including widespread dissemination of such payment
information, and disclosing such documents as Host Government
Agreements, Concession Agreements, and bidding documents,
allowing in any such dissemination or disclosure for the
redaction of, or exceptions for, information that is
commercially proprietary or that would create competitive
disadvantage.
(2) Not later than 180 days after the enactment of this
Act, the Secretary of the Treasury shall submit a report to
the Committees on Appropriations describing, for each
international financial institution, the amount and type of
assistance provided, by country, for the extraction and
export of oil, gas, coal, timber, or other national resource
since September 30, 2005.
uzbekistan
Sec. 692. Assistance may be provided to the central
Government of Uzbekistan only if the Secretary of State
determines and reports to the Committees on Appropriations
that the Government of Uzbekistan is making substantial and
continuing progress in meeting its commitments under the
``Declaration on the Strategic Partnership and Cooperation
Framework Between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the United
States of America'', including respect for human rights,
establishing a genuine multi-party system, and ensuring free
and fair elections, freedom of expression, and the
independence of the media, and that a credible international
investigation of the May 31, 2005, shootings in Andijan is
underway with the support of the Government of Uzbekistan:
Provided, That for the purposes of this section
``assistance'' shall include excess defense articles.
discrimination against minority religious faiths in the russian
federation
Sec. 693. None of the funds appropriated for assistance
under this Act may be made available for the Government of
the Russian Federation, after 180 days from the date of the
enactment of this Act, unless the President determines and
certifies in writing to the Committees on Appropriations that
the Government of the Russian Federation has implemented no
statute, executive order, regulation or similar government
action that would discriminate, or which has as its principal
effect discrimination, against religious groups or religious
communities in the Russian Federation in violation of
accepted international agreements on human rights and
religious freedoms to which the Russian Federation is a
party.
war crimes in africa
Sec. 694. (a) The Congress reaffirms its support for the
efforts of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
(ICTR) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) to bring
to justice individuals responsible for war crimes and crimes
against humanity in a timely manner.
(b) Funds appropriated by this Act, including funds for
debt restructuring, may be made available for assistance to
the central government of a country in which individuals
indicted by ICTR and SCSL are credibly alleged to be living,
if the Secretary of State determines and reports to the
Committees on Appropriations that such government is
cooperating with ICTR and SCSL, including the surrender and
transfer of indictees in a timely manner: Provided, That this
subsection shall not apply to assistance provided under
section 551 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 or to
project assistance under title II of this Act: Provided
further, That the United States shall use its voice and vote
in the United Nations Security Council to fully support
efforts by ICTR and SCSL to bring to justice individuals
indicted by such tribunals in a timely manner.
(c) The prohibition in subsection (b) may be waived on a
country by country basis if the President determines that
doing so is in the national security interest of the United
States: Provided, That prior to exercising such waiver
authority, the President shall submit a report to the
Committees on Appropriations, in classified form if
necessary, on:
[[Page H6913]]
(1) the steps being taken to obtain the cooperation of the
government in surrendering the indictee in question to the
court of jurisdiction;
(2) a strategy, including a timeline, for bringing the
indictee before such court; and
(3) the justification for exercising the waiver authority.
combatting piracy of united states copyrighted materials
Sec. 695. (a) Program Authorized.--The Secretary of State
may carry out a program of activities to combat piracy in
countries that are not members of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), including
activities as follows:
(1) The provision of equipment and training for law
enforcement, including in the interpretation of intellectual
property laws.
(2) The provision of training for judges and prosecutors,
including in the interpretation of intellectual property
laws.
(3) The provision of assistance in complying with
obligations under applicable international treaties and
agreements on copyright and intellectual property.
(b) Consultation With World Intellectual Property
Organization.--In carrying out the program authorized by
subsection (a), the Secretary shall, to the maximum extent
practicable, consult with and provide assistance to the World
Intellectual Property Organization in order to promote the
integration of countries described in subsection (a) into the
global intellectual property system.
(c) Funding.--Of the amount appropriated or otherwise made
available under the heading ``INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS CONTROL
AND LAW ENFORCEMENT'', $5,000,000 may be made available in
fiscal year 2008 for the program authorized by subsection
(a).
oversight of iraq reconstruction
Sec. 696. (a) Section 3001 of the Emergency Supplemental
Appropriations Act for Defense and for the Reconstruction of
Iraq and Afghanistan, 2004 (Public Law 108-106; 117 Stat.
1238; 5 U.S.C. App., note to section 8G of Public Law 95-
452), as amended by section 1054(b) of the John Warner
National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007
(Public Law 109-364; 120 Stat. 2397), section 2 of the Iraq
Reconstruction Accountability Act of 2006 (Public Law 109-
440), and section 3801 of the U.S. Troop Readiness, Veterans'
Care, Katrina Recovery, and Iraq Accountability
Appropriations Act, 2007 (Public Law 110-28) is amended--
(1) in subsection (h)(1) by striking ``pay rates.'' and
inserting ``pay rates, and may exercise the authorities of
subsections (b) through (i) of section 3161 of title 5,
United States Code (without regard to subsection (a) of such
section).'';
(2) in subsection (o)(1)(B) by striking ``fiscal year 2006
or fiscal year 2007'' and inserting ``fiscal years 2006
through 2008''; and
(3) by adding at the end of such section the following
subsection:
``(p) Rule of Construction.--For the purposes of carrying
out the duties of the Inspector General, any United States
funds appropriated or otherwise made available for fiscal
years 2006 through 2008 for the reconstruction of Iraq,
irrespective of the designation of such funds, shall be
deemed to be amounts appropriated or otherwise made available
to the Iraq Relief and Reconstruction Fund.''.
(b) Section 1054(a) of Public Law 109-364 is amended by
striking ``fiscal year 2006'' and inserting ``fiscal years
2006 through 2008''.
united nations headquarters renovation
Sec. 697. It is the sense of the Congress that the amount
of any loan for the renovation of the United Nations
headquarters building located in New York, New York, should
not exceed $600,000,000: Provided, That if any loan exceeds
$600,000,000, the Secretary of State shall notify the
Congress of the current cost of the renovation and cost
containment measures.
neglected diseases
Sec. 698. Of the funds appropriated under the heading
``Child Survival and Health Programs Fund'', not less than
$18,000,000 shall be made available to support an integrated
response to the control of neglected diseases including
intestinal parasites, schistosomiasis, lymphatic filariasis,
onchocerciasis, trachoma and leprosy: Provided, That the
Administrator of the United States Agency for International
Development shall consult with the Committees on
Appropriations, representatives from the relevant
international technical and nongovernmental organizations
addressing the specific diseases, recipient countries, donor
countries, the private sector, UNICEF and the World Health
Organization: (1) on the most effective uses of such funds to
demonstrate the health and economic benefits of such an
approach; and (2) to develop a multilateral, integrated
initiative to control these diseases that will enhance
coordination and effectiveness and maximize the leverage of
United States contributions with those of other donors:
Provided further, That funds made available pursuant to this
section shall be subject to the regular notification
procedures of the Committees on Appropriations.
assistance for egypt
Sec. 699. (a) Foreign Military Financing Program.--Of the
funds appropriated by this Act for Egypt under the heading
``FOREIGN MILITARY FINANCING PROGRAM'', $200,000,000 shall
not be made available for obligation until the Secretary of
State certifies and reports to the Committees on
Appropriations that the Government of Egypt has taken
concrete and measurable steps to--
(1) enact and implement a new judicial authority law that
protects the independence of the judiciary;
(2) review criminal procedures and train police leadership
in modern policing to curb police abuses; and
(3) detect and destroy the smuggling network and smuggling
tunnels that lead from Egypt to Gaza.
{time} 1845
Amendment Offered by Mr. Boustany
Mr. BOUSTANY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Boustany:
Strike section 699 of the bill (relating to assistance for
Egypt).
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Boustany) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. BOUSTANY. Mr. Chairman, first let me start by saying I have deep
respect for the work that Chairwoman Lowey and Ranking Member Wolf have
done with this bill. I also have shared the major concerns that both of
you have with regard to the internal Egyptian reforms that you're
advocating. I share those same concerns. I am also deeply concerned
about the border situation between Egypt and Gaza and the smuggling of
arms that's ongoing.
My amendment takes a step to strike the language in section 699 from
the bill that I believe unnecessarily places restrictions on the FMF
funding for Egypt. I believe these restrictions are actually harmful to
U.S. national strategic interests.
I have to say that clearly Egypt has been a vital strategic partner
in the region for many, many years, and this is not the way that the
U.S. should treat its friends and reward its friends.
If you look at the record, Egypt has worked with us to expedite the
processing of our nuclear warships going through the Suez Canal when
otherwise it would take weeks. Also, the Egyptian Government has shared
critical intelligence with us across the board, and there has been
significant military cooperation for quite some time now.
The other things that have happened is that Egypt has worked hard to
maintain the March 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty. And even as we
speak tonight, there are plans being facilitated by Egypt to bring Ehud
Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas together at Sharm el-Sheikh next week. So
clearly Egypt is trying to do what it can to help facilitate the peace
process.
I believe this funding is a critical part of keeping the peace with
Israel, maintaining balance in this part of the region. And also I
believe it's in the interest of Israel's national security as well, in
addition to being in our national security interest.
The current language in the bill would place, I believe, unrealistic
restrictions. It requires the Secretary of State to provide certain
certifications which are going to be very difficult to provide. And it
may just simply end up being political cover. And in the interest of
good policy, without browbeating our important ally Egypt in this
process, I think we can work with them in a more cooperative way as we
go forward to achieve the things that we're trying to achieve, such as
getting stability on the border with Gaza, reducing the smuggling or
arms, and also moving forward on internal reforms in Egypt itself.
This ally is important. I think we need to work with them. We need to
understand their timelines, and work with them and respect that
timeline as we go forward.
I urge adoption of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to my good friend from Nebraska (Mr.
Fortenberry), who is a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of his amendment.
Section 699, as proposed in this Foreign Operations bill, risks
undermining the significant progress we have made in a vital strategic
partnership.
[[Page H6914]]
Mr. Chairman, it is critical to remember that our friend and ally
Egypt led the Arab world in establishing a model for peaceful
cooperation in the Middle East. The Camp David Accords ushered in an
unprecedented era of cooperation between Egypt and the United States,
as well as between Egypt and Israel. This peace has held for nearly 30
years. The benefits to the world have been very significant, and the
consequences, particularly to Egypt, have also been considerable,
including the assassination of former President Anwar Sadat.
Egypt has been the cultural and historical center of the Arab world
and is poised to play a significant role in fostering peace and
maintaining a very delicate balance of stability in the Middle East.
Even now, as my colleague mentioned, Egyptian President Mubarak is
preparing for an emergency summit with Israeli Prime Minister Olmert,
King Abdullah of Jordan, and Palestinian President Abbas to address the
potentially explosive situation in Gaza.
Mr. Chairman, I had actually hoped to offer an amendment today to
section 699 to help address the serious concerns involving the
smuggling of arms, weapons and contraband across the border into Gaza,
a pressing concern which has become even more urgent given recent news.
However, this amendment would not have been ruled in order.
Mr. Chairman, I fully understand the desire of my colleagues on the
Appropriations Committee to see progress on human rights and civil
reform in Egypt. I deeply share this concern as well and eagerly look
for the right mechanism to achieve this goal. But I oppose the
methodology of penalizing our diplomatic and military cooperation
efforts.
U.S.-Middle East policy is complex and a delicate undertaking, at
best. And despite the good intentions here, I fear that section 699
could backfire and harm one of our best and most vital strategic
relationships in the region.
Mr. BOUSTANY. I thank my colleague. I think he's right on the spot.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. LOWEY. My colleagues, this is a difficult and sensitive issue
that the House has debated many times before in many different ways.
We all know that Egypt is an important ally of the United States. We
all know that Egypt plays a very important role in the Middle East, and
that role will even be more crucial in the months ahead. We all know
that Egypt was the first Arab country to have made peace with Israel,
and that the peace, while not nearly as warm or as forward-leaning as
many of us would have liked, has held for close to 30 years. That is
why Egypt has consistently received more foreign assistance in this
bill than virtually any country other than Israel. And that is true of
this year's bill as well.
Nevertheless, there is a frustration level with our very good ally
over two key issues, the Egyptian Government's increasingly harsh
response to dissent of any kind and the government's failure to take
serious steps to stopping the smuggling from Egypt to Gaza.
When Israel withdrew all of its population and military forces from
Gaza nearly 2 years ago, one of the biggest concerns was what to do
about Gaza's border with Egypt. Some in Israel argued that Israeli
forces should remain at the border to ensure that it did not become an
opening to allow the smuggling of weapons and terrorists to Gaza. Those
who argue that Israel needed to completely withdraw and that Egypt
could effectively play that role ultimately prevailed. Israel and Egypt
even reworked parts of their peace agreement to allow for an expanded
Egyptian force on that border. Unfortunately, however, those forces
have not done the job, have not stopped the smuggling.
As was highlighted so vividly during the recent fighting in Gaza, the
forces of Hamas are very well equipped. The bulk of that equipment has
come through that border. Especially now that Hamas has effectively
taken over in Gaza, it is critically important that Egypt do everything
within its power, including stopping these armed shipments before they
even get to the Gaza border, to put an end to this deadly arms trade.
The language in the bill does not cut aid to Egypt, which many have
wanted to do, I can assure you. It simply fences off a portion of
Egypt's assistance, pending a report and certification by the Secretary
of State that Egypt is taking steps to, one, enact a new judicial law;
two, to curb police abuses; three, to detect and destroy the smuggling
network into Gaza.
I believe it is a moderate and reasonable approach to two very
difficult and important issues that we have discussed on numerous
occasions, to no avail, with our good friends in Egypt.
Mr. Chairman, I'm very pleased to yield to my good friend from
California, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr.
Lantos.
Mr. LANTOS. I thank my colleague for yielding, and I want to speak
very strongly to support her position.
The nightmare that is unfolding in Gaza is in no small measure the
responsibility of the Government of Egypt.
Egypt has a huge military, and it boggles the mind to assume that the
Egyptian military would not have been able to seal Gaza from the
constant flow of drugs, weapons and persons being trafficked into Gaza
had they attempted to do so.
Now, we all understand that the prime culprit in Gaza is Hamas, the
terrorist organization. A secondary culprit is the previous corrupt
regime of Yasser Arafat, which led to the parliamentary victory of
Hamas. But the Egyptian Government has a heavy responsibility for what
is the present situation in Gaza. It is a terrorist-controlled area,
weapons flowing in, drugs flowing in, trafficked persons flowing in.
And to have the minimum of a certification by our Secretary of State
that at the very least Egypt at long last has decided to control this
very dangerous border is an extremely modest measure. I would have
preferred far more severe measures in this regard, but I strongly
support this measure.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I'm delighted to yield 1 minute to Mr.
Ellison.
{time} 1900
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, let me thank the gentlewoman and commend
the gentlewoman for her good wisdom and excellent intentions behind
section 699 which would conditionalize aid to Egypt. However, I must
rise in support of the amendment that has been brought by Mr. Boustany
because I believe that the impact of this piece in the bill would
signal to the region a very hostile and unhealthy message.
The message that we should be sending to allies in the region is that
we want to work constructively and productively to seal that border. I
would point out that sealing borders is no easy enterprise. But I also
believe that with a greater amount of help and with proper resources
that the border could well be sealed between Gaza and Egypt.
This conditionalizing sends a signal that Egypt, that it is criticism
of Egypt, that Egypt is somehow not putting forth the proper effort.
Given that Egypt is such a long-standing and important ally, I think
this is not the right message to send.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I think it is fair to say that no subcommittee chairman
presided over the provision of more financial aid to Egypt than I did
during the 10 years that I was chairman of the subcommittee.
I think it is also fair to say that I have, on many occasions, tried
to see to it that when this body looked at questions in the Middle East
that it looked at the interests of all of the parties fairly. But I
rise to oppose the gentleman's amendment.
We have a dilemma. Egypt is an important and welcome ally. I have
always considered them to be a friend. They have played a very
constructive role in the Middle East. But in recent years, I am sad to
say, Egypt has displayed an increasingly brutal repression of freedom
that is contrary to everything that America is supposed to stand for.
We have seen the beating of
[[Page H6915]]
demonstrators in Bull Connor fashion. We have seen the jailing of
political opponents.
We have to speak out. Unlike some wildly romantic beliefs of some of
the neocons in this country, like Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle and the
Vice President, I do not naively believe that we can force democracy
down the throats of a region that has had little experience with it. We
have seen in the case of Hamas how democratic forms can be abused and
subverted by undemocratic means. But, nonetheless, I do believe that we
have an obligation to expect that countries with whom we are so closely
associated will perform within certain norms of decency when it comes
to the question of human rights.
To indicate our concern, while still expressing our respect for a
treasured friend, we have fenced $200 million in military aid until the
administration can honesty certify that Egypt has greatly improved its
human rights conduct and has done more to effectively prevent the
illicit supply of arms from being smuggled into Gaza.
In my view, this is a balanced approach. It does not cut off aid. It
leaves options open. It certainly leaves a very large amount of
military aid to Egypt unfettered in any way whatsoever, enough to
continue all existing ongoing military contracts.
It is a balanced approach. It is a nuanced approach. It is aimed at
military aid, because only the military in the Egyptian government, in
my view, has the influence to make this come to a responsible and
friendly conclusion.
Mr. Chairman, I would urge rejection of the gentleman's amendment so
that America can send a message consistent with our values, while still
recognizing our geopolitical relationships.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment and in support of
the committee's language. In fact, I think the language is very
moderate, perhaps even, from my own perspective, a little bit too
moderate because I think we could have put some other conditions on it.
Ayman Nour is still in prison. I visited Ayman Nour's wife. He is
still in prison. He is not very, very well. We have interceded on his
behalf, the Congress and everyone else. But Ayman Nour is still in
prison.
The Coptic Christians. The life of the Coptic Christians is worse
today than it has been for a long while. So if you're a Coptic
Christian in Egypt, you're in trouble.
For the Baha'is, the Baha'is in Egypt just live the most miserable
life that you can possibly live. They are not even recognized. They
cannot even get a card for a driver's license. They are a nonentity.
They are not even there. They are not. So they can't move. They can't
do anything.
There is anti-Semitic and anti-Christian editorials and cartoons in
their newspapers. Just look at what they say. The government controls
those newspapers. So if a government controls a newspaper and anti-
Semitism and anti-Christian language is in there, does that not mean
that someone in the government is saying that?
Also, the language is moderate. They gunned down the Sudanese. I was
there shortly after they gunned down the Sudanese. There are many
Sudanese that live there, and they gunned them down. There is police
brutality.
The Gaza. The gentleman, Mr. Lantos, was right with regard to the
Gaza. They have a powerful military. They could be doing much, much
more.
Egypt is a great nation. It is a great nation. They are great people.
They are our friends. But friends have to be honest with friends.
Mr. Obey was exactly right. We have given them, Mr. Obey would have
this figure better than I would, over $15 billion. Martin Luther King
said, in the end, we will remember not the words that were of our
enemies but the silence of our friend. As a friend, for us not to speak
out on this issue, we would be derelict in our duty. We would be
derelict in our duty.
So, Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's amendment,
and in support of it, and would say to the gentlewoman, the Chairwoman,
it would have sent a very refreshing message if one of the other
conditionalities had been with regard to the Coptic Christians, who are
very patriotic people in Egypt and who love their country and who
always speak proudly of their country and who always honor their
country; and also if we had conditionality language with regard to the
Baha'is. But I think Mr. Obey is right. I agree with the Chairwoman. I
would hope that we would defeat the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Boustany).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. BOUSTANY. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Louisiana will be
postponed.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read:
The Clerk read as follows:
relief for the hmong and montagnards
Sec. 699A. Automatic Relief for the Hmong and
Montagnards.--Section 212(a)(3)(B) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. Sec. 1182(a)(3)(B)), is amended by
adding at the end the following new clause: ``Clause (vi)
shall not apply to the Hmong or Montagnards on the basis of
any act or event occurring in or before 1975''.
Technical Correction.--(1) In General.--Section
212(a)(3)(B)(ii) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. Sec. 1182(a)(3)(B)(ii)) is amended by striking
``Subclause (VII)'' and replacing it with ``Subclause (IX)''.
report on anti-corruption activities
Sec. 699B. (a) Report Required.--Not later than May 1,
2008, the Secretary of State, in consultation with the
Administrator of the United States Agency for International
Development and the Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium
Challenge Corporation, shall submit to Committees on
Appropriations a report on the level of corruption in each
country that receives assistance in this Act under the
heading ``Development Assistance'', ``Assistance for Eastern
Europe and the Baltic States'', or ``Assistance for the
States of the Former Soviet Union''.
(b) Matters To Be Included.--The report required by
subsection (a) shall--
(1) assess the level of corruption in each country's
political, economic, and judicial sectors, including detailed
information regarding specific acts of corruption;
(2) assess the extent to which recent elections in each
country have been free and fair;
(3) include information regarding steps each country has
taken to combat corruption;
(4) describe at the program, project, and activity level
how the United States assistance is designed to strengthen
anti-corruption activities in each country, including
specific outcome goals and objectives; and
(5) include an identification of countries that the
Secretary of State determines require special scrutiny for
fiscal year 2009, including an identification of countries
that the Secretary determines are not making significant
efforts to comply with minimum standards for anti-corruption
activities.
(c) Methodology.--Not later than September 30, 2007, the
Secretary of State shall provide to the Committees on
Appropriations a detailed description of--
(1) the methodology for assessing the level of corruption
in each country for purposes of preparing the report required
by subsection (a) and for evaluating each country's annual
progress in fighting corruption; and
(2) the indicators upon which the Secretary will make such
assessments.
programs to improve democracy, the rule of law, and governance in iran
Sec. 699C. Of the funds appropriated in this Act,
$50,000,000 should be made available for programs to improve
democracy, the rule of law, and governance in Iran.
{time} 1915
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Gingrey
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 4 offered by Mr. Gingrey:
At the end of the bill, before the short title, insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used for negotiating the participation of additional
countries under the visa waiver program described in section
217 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1187).
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of June 20, 2007,
the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
[[Page H6916]]
Mr. Chairman, I believe our Nation needs to secure its points of
entry, and specifically I believe that we should prevent additional
countries from joining the United States visa waiver program until we
have technical and human resources to secure our points of entry. I do
not believe our Nation can afford to allow more visitors in the United
States without screening them prior to arrival.
This amendment would prevent funds from being used to negotiate
additional visa waiver countries. The State Department should not be
using funds to negotiate new visa waivers until the machine-readable
and tamper-resistant biometric identification standards that were
mandated by the U.S. PATRIOT Act as a cornerstone of the entry-exit
system are fully operational. We refer to that, Mr. Chairman, as the
US-VISIT program. There are currently 27 visa waiver countries, and I
believe it is too risky to negotiate additional countries without first
having our security screening system in place.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot afford to provide more opportunities for
terrorists to breach a loophole in our security. How much time does our
Nation have before ICE, the Immigration Customs Enforcement, the air
marshals or the TSA, Transportation Security Administration, misses the
next Richard Reid?
For example, Habib Zacarias Moussaoui, a French citizen of Moroccan
descent, a name we all know very well, actually used his French
passport, without a U.S. visa, on February 23, 2001. He flew from
London to Chicago and on to Oklahoma City, where he began the flight
training at an aviation school.
Fortunately, on August 16, 2001, INS arrested Moussaoui because he
had remained in the United States well beyond the 90 days that were
allowed under the visa waiver program entrants and he was in violation
of the requirement that visa waiver program travelers enter for
business or tourism. Had INS and law enforcement not been literally on
top of their game, Mr. Speaker, Moussaoui could have been a part of the
9/11 attacks. That was his intent. We stopped him, but he was here on a
visa waiver.
A more recent example can be summarized in a June 18, just this
month, 2007, ABC News reported about suicide bombers who were sent to
the United States and Europe after being trained in Afghanistan. The
story references this recent terrorist video where the Taliban military
commander, Mansoor Dadullah, is found saying in this video, ``These
Americans, Canadians, British and Germans, come here to Afghanistan
from faraway places.'' This story further confirms, Mr. Speaker, what
we already know: Terrorist forces are recruiting from the Western
World, the same countries who are established members of our visa
waiver program.
I feel that we cannot continue a loophole that allows homegrown
European terrorists access to the United States.
Mr. Chairman, the visa waiver program was only designed to be a
temporary program for a small and select group of nations, starting
with the U.K., Japan and France. Now, 27 countries participate in the
visa waiver program, believe me, enough to keep ICE and TSA exceedingly
busy. Do we really need to fund efforts to add a 28th and 29th country
to their list of responsibilities?
I just don't want to see our Nation attacked because we couldn't
carry through with our commitment to security first. I ask my
colleagues, please, support this commonsense Gingrey amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, frankly, I have mixed feelings about this amendment. I
don't think that the appropriations bill is the proper place to
consider issues that are clearly authorization issues, and yet I know
that there is considerable concern about this program.
Let me simply say that in the interests of time and because I think
the equities are split, that we would be willing to accept the
gentleman's amendment, with the understanding that we would need to
give the administration an opportunity in conference to express any
concerns about it and consider any adjustments that might be made that
would be mutually agreed to.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman of the full committee
for yielding, and I certainly appreciate his willingness to understand
the necessity of the amendment. Indeed, I appreciate it and will agree
to that, and hope the administration will follow through on the
amendment. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 10 Offered by Mr. Tancredo
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 10 offered by Mr. Tancredo:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
LIMITATION ON USE OF FUNDS RELATING TO RESTRICTIONS ON RELATIONS WITH
TAIWAN
Sec. 6xx. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to enforce any of the provisions in the Memorandum to
all Department and Agency Executive Secretaries dated,
February 2, 2001, and entitled ``Guidelines on Relations With
Taiwan''.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, the Tancredo-Chabot amendment would prevent the State
Department from expending any funds to enforce several arbitrary and
archaic guidelines that inhibit or altogether prevent U.S. officials
from communicating with their counterparts in Taiwan. These
restrictions range from just silly to downright absurd.
Among other things, the so-called guidelines do not permit meetings
with Taiwanese diplomats or elected officials in State Department
buildings, the White House or Old Executive Office Building. They
prevent executive branch personnel from the Foreign Affairs agencies
and those above the rank of GS-14 from attending Taiwan's annual
reception in Washington. They prevent executive branch personnel from
attending meetings at Twin Oaks, the former residence of Taiwan's
Ambassador here in Washington. They prevent travel to Taiwan by
officials above a certain rank from the Defense Department and the
State Department. They prohibit executive branch personnel from
corresponding directly with Taiwan officials.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman would yield, I would be
prepared to accept the gentleman's amendment, with the understanding
that the committee will continue to investigate the effect of the
amendment as we take it to conference with the other body later in the
year.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I would like to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot).
Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
will be very brief. I appreciate the gentleman and I don't want to take
time here. I would just make a couple of points.
This amendment is long overdue. Taiwan is our friend. It is a
longtime democratic ally and a major trading partner. Just across the
Taiwan Strait you have Communist China, with its more than 900 missiles
pointed directly at Taiwan. China operates under a dictatorship. Its
human rights record is abysmal. It ignores the rule of law. It
practices religious persecution. It warehouses political prisoners. It
carries out an unconscionable coercive abortion policy. Yet when it
comes to dealing with the two nations diplomatically, we often treat
Taiwan like a pariah nation and kowtow to the Beijing bullies.
So I would commend the gentleman from Colorado for bringing forth
this amendment, and I want to thank the distinguished chairman for
accepting the amendment.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, as co-chair of the Congressional Taiwan
Caucus, I rise in strong support of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, for too long, we have allowed China to dictate our
relationship with Taiwan.
[[Page H6917]]
If anything, it should be the other way around. Taiwan consistently
holds free and fair democratic elections. Taiwan respects human rights
and labor standards. Taiwan is a free, democratic nation.
As the greatest democracy in the history of the world, we have an
obligation to support other democracies and nurture them around the
globe. We must be a beacon, a light to the world, showing the way
forward for other democracies. Only then, will democracy finally
flourish--and only if we show the way.
Mr. Chairman, our priorities are backwards when we place China's
concerns ahead of a democratic country's. We must end these arbitrary
and archaic restrictions on our relations with Taiwan. I urge support
for this amendment.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I certainly appreciate the gentleman's
offer, and I yield back the balance of my time and accept the offer you
have made to accept the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 27 Offered by Ms. Herseth Sandlin Sandlin
Ms. HERSETH SANDLIN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 27 offered by Ms. Herseth Sandlin :
At the end of the bill, before the short title, insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to carry out the diversity visa program under
sections 201(e), 203(c), or 204(a)(1)(I) of the Immigration
and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1151(e), 1153(c), and
1154(a)(1)(I)).
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentlewoman from South Dakota (Ms. Herseth Sandlin) and a
Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from South Dakota.
Ms. HERSETH SANDLIN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, this is a bipartisan amendment that is cosponsored by
my colleague and good friend from Virginia, Mr. Goodlatte, as well as
Mr. DeFazio of Oregon, Mr. Lamar Smith of Texas, Mr. Sherman of
California and Mr. Tancredo of Colorado.
The amendment is simple and straightforward. It would prohibit the
use of funds in the bill to implement the Diversity Visa Program
otherwise known as the ``visa lottery.''
The visa lottery program was established in 1990 and awards about
50,000 permanent-resident visas to foreign nationals by conducting a
random lottery. In the last Congress, the State Department's inspector
general testified before Congress that the Office of the Inspector
General ``continues to believe that the Diversity Visa Program contains
significant risks to national security from hostile intelligence
officers, criminals and terrorists attempting to use the program for
entry into the United States as permanent residents.''
If for no other reason, national security is too important to allow
this institutional randomness in our immigration policy. The visa
lottery injects a level of unnecessary and responsible uncertainty into
the immigration process. Our amendment is a practical provision that
will make our Nation safer.
When the House considered its immigration bill in the 109th Congress,
the gentleman from Virginia and I joined together to offer an amendment
eliminating the visa lottery program, and it passed with strong
bipartisan support. I urge my colleagues to provide similarly strong
support to this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Goodlatte).
Mr. GOODLATTE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from South
Dakota for yielding and for her leadership in bringing forth this
amendment, which corrects a grievous problem with our immigration
system.
This visa lottery program is clearly unfair to lawful immigrant
applicants who are abiding by our rules and going through the process.
It pushes 50,000 people chosen totally at random ahead of hundreds of
thousands of law-abiding immigrants waiting to be reunified with their
families.
The program is wrought with fraud. The State Department inspector
general has said that the visa lottery program is subject to widespread
abuse, and that identity fraud is endemic, and fraudulent documents are
commonplace.
A simple click on the State Department's visa lottery Web site is
very revealing. The first thing you will notice on that Web site is a
warning in bold red font about fraudulent websites and individuals.
Indeed, a cottage industry has sprung up of individuals using the visa
lottery program to take advantage of foreign nationals.
No skills are necessary to enter the lottery. As we look around the
country for programs that help meet needs of reunifying families or job
skills for which there is a shortage in the United States, we have a
program that gives 50,000 visas based on pure luck, and the applicants
must only have the equivalent of a high school diploma. But the State
Department has indicated they often have very few resources to make
even this determination in countries that do not have systems similar
to the United States.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it is a national security
threat. This program of selection purely at random makes it possible
for visa lottery participants to be people who are from countries that
are known to be state sponsors of terror. Nothing would prevent
terrorist organizations from submitting numerous names for the lottery,
and, as long as they don't have criminal backgrounds, they can receive
not just a temporary visa like the 9/11 hijackers had, but a permanent-
resident visa to be permanently in the United States.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Ms. HERSETH SANDLIN. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to
the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman. The visa lottery
program is based on the absurd notion that the group of people coming
to the United States are insufficiently diverse. There has never been
such a diverse group of people.
The diversity lottery discriminates against those who live in Mexico,
China or the Philippines on the theory, an absurd theory, that an
immigrant from Paraguay will add more to American culture than one from
Mexico. I think it is time to end this absurd cultural discrimination.
It makes sense for our country to let people come here for family
unification or because the immigrant brings special skills. The
diversity lottery admits people who bring neither. They need no family
ties nor special skills.
Our other immigration programs require that the person either have a
job or a family member who will issue an affidavit of support. Those
coming here under the visa lottery have neither, and therefore are free
to become a charge to our taxpayers.
I look forward to having a comprehensive immigration law so that our
immigration laws make sense, but let's kill the one element of our
immigration laws that make the least sense now. We shouldn't
discriminate against those with family in the United States, those with
special skills, or those from Mexico, China or the Philippines, on the
theory that somehow we enhance our culture more by admitting immigrants
from one country as opposed to another.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
I yield to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks) for a brief
discussion on the issue of the persecution of Coptic Christians in
Egypt.
Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman very much.
Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to see a subject touched on here and
would hope that Chairman Obey would be aware that under the State and
Foreign Operations appropriations bill for 2008, $200 million of the
$1.3 billion military assistance for Egypt will be withheld until the
Secretary of State certifies that the Government of Egypt has taken
concrete steps to reform its judiciary, to curb police abuses and
address concerns about the smuggling of weapons from Egypt to Gaza.
I strongly support this provision, Mr. Chairman, and I would like to
request that an additional provision, if the chairman would consider it
at some
[[Page H6918]]
point, be added to ensure that the Government of Egypt also increase
protections for human rights according to Egypt's own international
human rights commitments, including the religious freedom of members of
religious minorities, such as the Coptic Christians and Baha'is, among
others.
I just hope, Mr. Chairman, that the chairman of the committee would
be so inclined at some point, if we could work with him in any way.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman would yield, at this point I
am simply standing in for the subcommittee chair, but I would simply
say that while I am not frankly as totally familiar with the issue as I
am with, for instance, the record of the Egyptian Government in jailing
Mr. Nour and other political opponents, I certainly have seen that
concern expressed many times, and I would think the conferees would be
interested in improving human rights records on Egypt's part with
respect to all groups, including Coptic Christians.
{time} 1930
Mr. WOLF. I thank the chairman of the committee and thank the
gentleman from Arizona.
The CHAIRMAN. Does any Member claim the time in opposition to the
amendment of the gentlewoman from South Dakota?
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. With respect to the amendment of the gentlewoman, I have
some considerable disquiet about the Appropriations Committee on the
basis of 3 minutes discussion pronouncing judgment on complicated
matters with respect to immigration, but let me simply say I would be
willing to accept the amendment as an expression of concern on the
subject and would hope that the administration would deal with the
concerns as the committee goes to conference.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from South Dakota (Ms. Herseth Sandlin).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Tancredo
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Tancredo:
At the end of the bill, before the short title, insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be expended in violation of section 243(d) of the Immigration
and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1253(d)) (relating to
discontinuing granting visas to nationals of countries
denying or delaying accepting aliens removed from the United
States).
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, my amendment would simply prevent the
State Department from continuing to selectively ignore Federal statute.
The Federal statute in question instructs the State Department to
discontinue the issuance of immigrant and nonimmigrant visas to
citizens of countries who refuse our attempts to repatriate or deport
their nationals. As I mentioned, the State Department often chooses to
disregard this statute.
In fact, some dozen nations around the world routinely refuse to
accept their citizens who have come here illegally or violated the
terms of their visas. Iraq is just one example. As a result, Iraqi
aliens who would otherwise be deported are free to remain in the United
States.
Last year, I sent a letter to Secretary Chertoff asking why an Iraqi
national by the name of Gavan Alkadi was not deported but instead was
released into the public. Gavan Alkadi have been convicted of an
aggravated felony and has been arrested nearly 70 times in Colorado.
Mr. OBEY. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. TANCREDO. I would yield to the chairman.
Mr. OBEY. As I understand this amendment, it simply indicates that
the Department ought to enforce the law. I am not really inclined to
object to that. In the interest of time, I am willing to accept the
amendment.
Mr. TANCREDO. I appreciate the gentleman's offer.
Mr. POE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman from Colorado
for offering this amendment with me. I'll be brief because I don't
think many Members here need to be convinced that we need our
Government agencies to enforce the laws we give them and that they
aren't arbitrary.
Section 243(d) of the Immigration and Nationality Act allows the
State Department to discontinue the issuance of visas to nations who
fail to take back their nationals who have been ordered removed by our
Government.
Unfortunately, this step by our Government has never been taken. Why?
The gentleman from Colorado and I joined on a letter to the Secretary
of Homeland Security and the Attorney General to ask this very
question. The chart I have here indicates the response we received and
I quote:
Department of Homeland Security Response: ``While visa
sanctions under Section 243(d) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act may be an effective tool in obtaining
repatriation cooperation, the severity that makes them
potentially effective also has the potential to negatively
impact other U.S. foreign relations objectives if not used
judiciously. When considering the use of 243(d) sanctions,
DHS must consider the potential repercussions to U.S. foreign
policy. Because the United States is pursuing a number of
initiatives with China on foreign policy issues, implementing
Section 243(d) sanctions could have counterproductive
effects.''--Donald H. Kent, Assistant Secretary, U.S.
Department of Homeland Security, January 10, 2007.
Mr. Chairman, how this reads to me is that our trade with nations
like China is more important than providing for the safety of the
American people. Many of the people who we are trying to remove are
hardened criminals, violent felons that we want off our streets.
Because of two recent Supreme Court decisions, our government is
limited in the length of time we can hold them in our jails while
working to remove them. If we can't remove them in 6 months, they are
to be set free. Now how many are we talking about here? As this chart
shows, here are the top offending countries and the number roaming
America:
TABLE 14.--BREAKDOWN IN THE NUMBER OF ILLEGAL ALIENS FROM COUNTRIES THAT
BLOCK OR INHIBIT REPATRIATION
[As of June 29, 2004]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Non-
Detained detained
Eight countries criminal criminal/ Total
non- non-
criminal criminal
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Vietnam................................ 352 5,807 6,159
Jamaica................................ 715 11,568 12,283
Iran................................... 105 7,039 7,144
India.................................. 253 28,540 28,793
Ethiopia............................... 108 4,454 4,562
Eritrea................................ 21 637 658
China.................................. 885 72,315 73,200
Laos................................... 140 3,302 3,442
--------------------------------
Total.............................. 2,579 133,662 136,241
------------------------------------------------------------------------
During FY 2003, the detention of criminal/non-criminal aliens from the
top eight uncooperative countries that block or inhibit repatriation
consumed 981,202 detention days and $83 million.
Source: DRO.
According to a Department of Homeland Security Inspector General
audit in April 2006, ``The difficulty that ICE is experiencing removing
illegal aliens with final orders has, in effect, created a mini-amnesty
program for tens of thousands of illegal aliens that are subject to
removal from the U.S. It also encourages individuals from non-
cooperating countries such as China, India, and Iran to make attempts
to enter the U.S. illegally.
So let me close by again saying this amendment that I and the
gentleman from Colorado are offering just says to enforce existing law.
Unless these nations believe that they will not obtain a visa in the
future, nothing is ever going to change.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lipinski
Mr. LIPINSKI. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Lipinski:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to purchase light bulbs for operations in the United
States unless the light bulbs have the ``ENERGY STAR'' or
``Federal Energy Management Program'' designation.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Illinois
[[Page H6919]]
(Mr. Lipinski) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. LIPINSKI. Mr. Chairman, this amendment says that none of the
funds made available in this bill may be used to purchase light bulbs
for operation in the United States unless the light bulbs have the
``Energy Star'' or the ``Federal Energy Management Program''
designation. What this means is that light bulbs purchased will have to
be high-efficiency light bulbs.
Right now, the most common high-efficiency bulbs are the compact
fluorescent light bulb, known as a CFL. CFLs use approximately 75
percent less energy than incandescent bulbs to provide the same amount
of light. They also last approximately eight to ten times longer.
Replacing an ordinary bulb with a comparable CFL saves up to $74 in
energy costs over the bulb's lifetime.
Today, Americans are rightly concerned about the impact of foreign
energy dependence on our national security and the effect of global
climate change on the future of our planet. This amendment helps us
address both of these issues, while at the same time saving millions of
taxpayer dollars.
Mr. OBEY. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. LIPINSKI. I yield to the chairman.
Mr. OBEY. In light of the fact that you and the other sponsors of the
amendment have worked to narrow the scope of the amendment to just the
funds that are involved to operations in the United States, the
committee would be happy to accept the amendment.
Mr. LIPINSKI. Reclaiming my time, I would like to thank the chairman
for accepting this. This is part of what we are working on.
I introduced a bill to require all GSA buildings to use high-
efficiency bulbs. Mr. Inglis and I introduced this earlier this year.
It is included in a comprehensive climate change bill which was
reported by the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee yesterday.
I am very hopeful we can get this done through that piece of
legislation for all GSA buildings, but this amendment here is a good
start.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 17 Offered by Mr. Blumenauer
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 17 offered by Mr. Blumenauer:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. (a) Limitation on Use of Funds.--Of the funds
appropriated in this Act under the heading ``Foreign Military
Financing Program'', not more than $250,000,000 may be made
available for Pakistan.
(b) Corresponding Transfer of Funds.--The amounts otherwise
provided by this Act are revised by increasing the amount
made available for ``United States Emergency Refugee and
Migration Assistance Fund'', and reducing the amount made
available for ``Foreign Military Financing Program'', by
$50,000,000.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. A point of order is reserved.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Oregon.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment which I am offering with my good friends
from Washington and New York simply shifts $50 million from military
aid for Pakistan to the Emergency Refugee and Mitigation Assistance
Account. It would leave $250 million in Pakistani military aid, the
same level that appeared in the chairwoman's original mark.
In many areas of Federal spending, Congress has to make tough choices
amongst important competing priorities. However, the choice between
more military aid for Pakistan and assistance for refugees should be an
easy one.
Anybody who has witnessed the news in recent weeks understands the
military dictatorship in Pakistan has had serious problems in terms of
its treatment of civil society. It is one of the worst nuclear
proliferators, which could not occur without the knowledge of the
Pakistani government. Yet it has been the third-largest recipient of
military aid from the United States since 9/11, receiving $10 billion
over the last 6 years.
Despite all that, Pakistan continues to allow the Taliban to operate
in many parts of Pakistan and launch attacks against U.S. troops in
Afghanistan. In fact, according to CQ Weekly, a U.S. Army officer
stationed in Pakistan recently recalled watching a 2-mile-long line of
Taliban fighters and suicide bombers walk across the border into
Afghanistan unchallenged by Pakistani security forces.
Pakistan even has a ``peace agreement'' with the Taliban and other
terrorists in one province along the Afghan border and agreed to slash
military patrols in areas with a substantial al Qaeda presence.
At the same time, Pakistan's military dictator, General Musharraf,
has dismissed the chief justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and
attempted to introduce restrictions on its television media.
Forty pro-democracy protesters recently killed by security forces;
and, since 2001, over 1,000 people have disappeared.
On the other hand, Iraq is the fastest-growing refugee crisis in the
world. There have been 4 million innocent Iraqis who have been driven
from their homes by violence and threats, including tens of thousands
who are at risk because they helped the United States.
This humanitarian crisis is rapidly becoming a regional security
crisis, as Jordan and Syria are at risk of being destabilized by the
millions of Iraqis they have taken in, 2 million Iraqis in Jordan and
Syria.
Despite this, efforts to provide assistance in the region are
dramatically underfunded. The United States has admitted only 70
refugees since October, only one in April and one in May. It is not
getting better. It is getting worse. I think this is a blot on Congress
as well as the administration, turning its back on these refugees.
Adding $50 million in Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance will
allow assistance to reach more displaced Iraqis and help mitigate the
impacts of the refugee crisis on other countries in the Middle East.
This amendment offered by Mr. McDermott, Mr. Crowley and myself has the
support of the United States Committee for Refugees and Immigrants,
Refugees International, the U.S.-India PAC, the U.S.-India Business
Alliance and others who are deeply concerned about this humanitarian
crisis.
I strongly urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Point of Order
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I must very reluctantly lodge a point of
order against the gentleman's amendment.
The amendment proposes to appropriate funds in excess of the
authorized amount. It therefore violates clause 2 of rule XXI, and I
would ask for a ruling from the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN. Does any Member wish to be heard on the point of order?
If not, the Chair will rule. The proponent of an item of
appropriation carries the burden of persuasion on the question whether
it is supported by an authorization in law.
Section 2 of the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1962,
codified at 22 U.S.C. 2601, establishes the Emergency Refugee and
Migration Assistance Fund and provides an authorization of
appropriation not to exceed $100 million at any given time. The bill
appropriates $45 million, and the amendment by the gentleman from
Oregon appropriates another $50 million.
Although the amendment would take the total for the fund to $95
million in the bill, and thus ostensibly within the authorized level,
the committee report on page 112 states that an additional $55 million
was appropriated by Public Law 110-28. Those funds remain available
until expended.
[[Page H6920]]
Having reviewed this information, the Chair is unable to conclude
that the item of appropriation in question is authorized in law.
The Chair is therefore constrained to sustain the point of order
under clause 2 of rule XXI.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Forbes
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Forbes:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act under
the heading ``Economic Support Fund'' may be made available
for Ethiopia.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Forbes) and a Member opposed
each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment I have at the desk is a simple,
straightforward amendment. This amendment says that none of the funds
under the Economic Support Fund may be made available to Ethiopia.
In 2005, Ethiopia held democratic elections for the first time. As in
any election, there were winners and losers. The opposition party won
so many seats in that election that the ruling party immediately moved
to limit the power of the parliament, stripping it of the power to
craft a budget and allowing discussion exclusively on issues approved
by the prime minister.
When protests grew after several members refused to participate in
the new government, violence ensued; and the opposition political
leaders were arrested. Thousands of protesters were arrested since
October 31, 2005; and, thankfully, most of them have been released.
However, nearly 2 years later, 38 prisoners from the protest remain
incarcerated.
Mr. OBEY. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. FORBES. I would yield to the chairman of the committee.
Mr. OBEY. The gentleman has persuaded me. I would be happy to accept
the amendment in the interest of time.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. WOLF. I thank the gentleman, and I yield to the gentlewoman from
Virginia Beach, Mrs. Drake.
Mrs. DRAKE. I rise today to speak about a true freedom fighter, a man
whose sense of the rule of law and democracy has kept him in prison for
the past 2 years. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak for my
constituent from Virginia Beach, Dr. Yacob Haile-Mariam.
In 2005, Ethiopia held their national parliamentary elections. Dr.
Yacob Haile-Mariam, a citizen of Ethiopia, resigned his position as
professor at Norfolk State University and was elected to the parliament
as a member of the opposition party.
Soon after the election, Dr. Haile-Mariam was arrested. Last week,
the Ethiopian tribunal, adjudicating this matter hastily and without
notice, terminated the proceedings and found him guilty of the charges
against him. Dr. Haile-Mariam faces sentencing, including the
possibility of the death sentence.
{time} 1945
Mr. Chairman, the conviction of Dr. Haile-Mariam and other members of
the opposition party is adverse to the principles of democracy, freedom
and human rights that the United States promotes across the globe. More
importantly, the conviction of these individuals is contrary to the
commitment Ethiopia has made in recent years to engage in a civil
society and establish a democratic government which respects the rule
of law, due process and international principles of human rights.
The injustice of Dr. Haile-Mariam's imprisonment has been felt
throughout Hampton Roads, most particularly by his loving and
supportive family. I have been in contact with his brave wife, Tegist,
and officials at the State Department since 2005 seeking a positive
resolution to this unfortunate situation. While I do not believe
decreasing funds from this particular account would expedite the
release of Dr. Haile-Mariam, I could not stand by without speaking for
a man whose voice has been taken from him.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Forbes).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. McGovern
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 7 offered by Mr. McGovern:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE FOR THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE INSTITUTE FOR
SECURITY COOPERATION
Sec. 6xx. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used for programs at the Western Hemisphere Institute for
Security Cooperation located at Fort Benning, Georgia.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June
20, 2007, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) and a Member
opposed each will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 4 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, this is a very simple amendment. It ensures that no
funds in this bill can be used for programs at the Western Hemisphere
Institute for Security Cooperation, otherwise known as WHINSEC. It does
not affect the funds in the Defense appropriations bill where the
majority of WHINSEC's funding is provided.
Last year was the first debate on the WHINSEC, the successor to the
U.S. Army School of the Americas. Since last year, the WHINSEC has made
a number of very disturbing decisions that bring into question its
much-vaunted commitment to transparency and democratic values.
For example, last year's debate brought to light a number of human
rights cases involving WHINSEC students and instructors. Instead of
using these cases as an opportunity to review its practices and
procedures, instead of strengthening the vetting process and fixing any
problems that might exist, the WHINSEC chose to attack the messengers.
It asserted that Salvadoran Colonel Francisco del Cid Diaz,
responsible for the notorious 1983 Las Hojas massacre, never attended
the WHINSEC. I guess they didn't check their own records because here
is his name on the list of 2003 graduates.
They attacked the reputation of the current Bolivian Human Rights
Ombudsman, Waldo Albarracin, saying that he has no recollection of the
military captain who had him kidnapped and tortured in 1997, the same
Major Urzagaste who was at the WHINSEC in 2002. When Mr. Albarracin
heard of this slander, he sent me a letter describing what happened to
him and the role of Urzagaste.
Mr. Chairman, like similar cases regarding corruption charges against
three Colombian officers who attended the school, the WHINSEC dismissed
the horror of Mr. Albarracin's torture as without merit because the
courts dropped the case. Are WHINSEC officials ignorant about how
military officers acted with impunity in Bolivia during the 1990s? Or
in El Salvador during the 1980s? Are they ignorant of how the Colombian
military benefits from the worst culture of impunity in the hemisphere
today? The fact that charges of kidnapping, torture, murder, drug
trafficking and corruption are routinely dropped is a major problem
with Latin American militaries, not a virtue. Even more disturbing is
how the WHINSEC responded to criticism. It chose to build a fortress
around itself, to make sure that no one in the public, no human rights
organization, no foreign policy analyst, would be able to review the
names of WHINSEC's graduates and instructors.
For the first time in the history of WHINSEC, including the 40-year
history of its infamous predecessor, the
[[Page H6921]]
School of the Americas, Freedom of Information Act requests are being
denied. I have in my hands the school's response regarding 2005
graduates. Every single name is blacked out. Look at it, 18 pages,
completely redacted. Is this anyone's idea of transparency? Of open
relations with human rights and other policy organizations? This was a
deliberate choice. The practice of secrecy extends to WHINSEC's public
relations materials, where not a single solitary name of any of its
Latin American students or teachers appears. So blacking out the names
of graduates wasn't a mistake. It wasn't an anomaly. It's a deliberate
decision to keep information secret, to avoid any kind of independent
scrutiny or oversight.
Is this the example we want our Latin American counterparts to copy?
I hope not, Mr. Chairman.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment, and I
yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Gingrey).
The Acting CHAIRMAN (Mr. Pomeroy). The gentleman from Georgia is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I thank you and I thank the ranking member
for yielding to me.
Yes, Mr. Chairman, there is a security fence around Fort Benning, but
I would not describe the home of the Infantry as a fortress by any
stretch of the imagination, as my colleague just referred.
Mr. Chairman, here we go again. Once more, my good friend, and he is
my good friend, from Massachusetts has so confused the record that it's
really tough to know where to begin. But let me try.
He argues that we need to shut down WHINSEC because nearly 30 years
ago, several graduates of a different program, the School of the
Americas, were found to have committed atrocities in their home
countries, a tenuous conclusion indeed. I wonder if he would argue that
we should shut down Harvard because the Unabomber actually took some
classes there. Mr. Chairman, of course he wouldn't. Because my friend
knows that when a student does something awful years after graduating,
you can't reasonably hold the school accountable. And to do so would
let one man's action deny thousands more the opportunity to grow and to
learn. Essentially it would be throwing the baby out with the bath
water.
So let's set the record straight, Mr. Chairman. Over 60,000 members
of Latin American security forces have trained at WHINSEC and its
predecessor since the inception of the school; 99.99 percent have
served their countries with honor and distinction. This is the fact.
In order to ensure that known human rights offenders are not
attending WHINSEC, potential participants undergo background checks by
the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor and the Department of State, not vetted by
WHINSEC.
So I am proud to say, Mr. Chairman, that not one single credible
accusation of human rights violations has been lodged against a
graduate of WHINSEC. Not one. And I don't want the gentleman or my
colleagues necessarily to take my word for this. I want to submit for
the Record a letter from the United States Department of State,
actually from the Deputy Assistant Secretary, Patrick Duddy, in
response to the Chairman of the Board of Visitors, the school board,
WHINSEC school board, to Bishop Morlino dated January 7, 2007.
United States Department of State,
Washington, DC, January 7, 2007.
Bishop Robert C. Morlino,
Chairman, Board of Visitors, Western Hemisphere Institute of
Security Cooperation.
Dear Bishop Morlino: I would like to extend my
congratulations on your unanimous selection by the Board of
Visitors (BoV) members as incoming chairman for 2007. My
representative at the December 2006 meeting has conveyed to
me the BoV's request for additional information regarding
vetting of attendees at U.S. Government-funded security
training covered by the Leahy Amendment. As I mentioned in my
previous letter, the Department of State is committed to
implementing that law's restrictions on support for security
units for which credible evidence of human rights violations
exists. The Department has vetted tens of thousands of
training participants. We have expanded the scope of our
vetting to include individuals as well as units. The vetting
process includes a local background check by our embassies,
as well as checks by bureaus with regional responsibilities
(e.g., the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs) and by the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. The Department
of State maintains the Abuse Case Evaluation System (ACES),
which is a central database that aggregates human rights
abuse data into a single, searchable location and facilitates
analysis of the data's validity. Personnel involved in the
Leahy vetting process use this database as a resource for
checking abuse allegations when conducting vetting requests.
If all checks come back negative, the Embassy is notified
that the individual is cleared for participation in training.
The Department vetting process is extremely thorough, and one
in which WHINSEC itself plays no role.
As we have noted earlier, we find no evidence to
substantiate any claims that the individuals in my previous
letter were not properly vetted. We have no additional
information Colonel Francisco Del Cid of El Salvador. As you
will recall, I stated in my previous letter that we have no
record of Del Cid participating in any programs subject to
the provisions of the Leahy Amendment. Additional information
regarding the other cases is as follows:
Captain Filmann Urzagaste of Bolivia attended a WHINSEC
program in 2002. It was alleged that he was involved the 1997
kidnapping of Waldo Albarracin, then a Bolivian human rights
official. The Bolivian Supreme Court declared the charges to
be without merit. Albarracin himself, in a recent interview
with U.S. Embassy personnel in La Paz, made no mention of
Urzagaste. When directly asked whether Urzagaste had been
involved, Albarracin indicated that he had no recollection of
Urzagaste. The Bolivian Supreme Court's website may be
consulted for further information: <a href='http://
www.tribunalconstitucional.gov'>http://
www.tribunalconstitucional.gov</a>.bo/resolucion1040.html
With regard to the three Colombian officers mentioned
(Captain Dario Sierro Chapeta; Lieutenant Colonel Francisco
Patino Fonseca, and Captain Luis Benavides Guancha), we have
no record of any allegations regarding human rights
violations. Our records indicate that Dario Sierro and Patino
Fonseca attended WHINSEC in 2002, followed by Benavides
Guancha in 2003. A Colombian police internal investigation
into alleged corruption by the three came to light after they
attended WHINSEC and were back in Colombia. The three were
absolved as the charges were found to be unfounded and
described as unsubstantiated allegations. The Colombian
Attorney General's office has posted a short article on the
case at: http://www.fiscalia.gov.co/pag/divulgainoticias2005/
anticorrup/corrupNasNov17.htm.
Thank you for your inquiry.
Sincerely,
Patrick Duddy,
Deputy Assistant Secretary.
Mr. Chairman, every year the gentleman from Massachusetts states that
participation in WHINSEC is declining as Latin American nations grow
weary of our influence. However, the numbers tell a different story. In
2005, 686 students from Latin America attended WHINSEC. In 2006 that
number doubled, up to 1,217. And we saw Brazil for the first time, a
fact that can't be overlooked as they have begun to participate, and
they are the neighbors of who else but Hugo Chavez in Venezuela.
Another important fact the gentleman eschews is that the School of
the Americas closed in 1999. That school closed. WHINSEC opened a year
and a half later, in 2001, totally revamped its curriculum. The mission
for WHINSEC, Mr. Chairman, could not be clearer. It's threefold: to
provide professional education and training to military personnel, law
enforcement officials and civilians. Number two, foster cooperation
among participating nations. Thirdly, to promote democratic values and,
let me emphasize, respect for human rights.
Mr. Chairman, WHINSEC has consistently accomplished all of these
goals, strengthening security cooperation between the United States and
Latin America. In fact, the House Armed Services Committee recognized
this as much as 2 weeks ago when we unanimously voted to recommend that
the Department of Defense continue utilizing WHINSEC to strengthen
security cooperation in the western hemisphere. The fiscal year 08
National Defense Authorization Act, which included this provision,
passed this body overwhelmingly by a vote of 397-27.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute. The gentleman
hasn't been listening to me. The State Department letter that he is
quoting is essentially a whitewash. That State Department letter says
that Cid Diaz, who I mentioned who is responsible for the Las Hojas
massacre, never attended the WHINSEC. I just showed you right here.
This is from the WHINSEC. He
[[Page H6922]]
did. So the State Department was wrong. The State Department letter
says that the Human Rights Ombudsman in Bolivia can't remember who his
torturer was. I have a letter here from the Bolivian Ombudsman that
says he feels he was slandered. So that letter is wrong. And I have
proof that it is wrong.
And you talk about accountability. Where's the accountability? This
is the first time ever that we can't track the graduates. The school
doesn't want to track the graduates. They say they don't have the time.
So it has been up to human rights organizations. This is what we get in
return. How do we know? How does anybody know? We need to do a better
job.
So you didn't listen to my statement, I would say respectfully to the
gentleman from Georgia. What the State Department sent to you is wrong
and I have the proof.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the amendment
and I thank my colleague from Massachusetts for offering it.
By prohibiting any funding in this bill from being used for the
Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, formerly the
infamous U.S. Army School of the Americas located at Fort Benning,
Georgia, we can stand up for human rights, we can honor our principles
and send a strong message to the world.
The School of the Americas has been associated with human rights
abuses, with many of its students linked to Latin American coups and
vicious death squads. In 1989, graduates from the school killed six
Jesuit priests, a housekeeper and her daughter in El Salvador. And
today they have a new name, but they have not changed the school's old
patterns of abuse and conflict. The institute continues admitting and
graduating known human rights abusers. Yes, Colonel Francisco del Cid
Diaz, for example, who commanded a unit responsible for a notorious
massacre of indigenous people in El Salvador in 1983, then attended the
institute on our own soil as recently as 2003. And there are others
just like him. It is clear that the institute continually fails not
only to fully investigate the prior history of its students but also to
track their activity after graduation. That is why nations like Costa
Rica, Argentina and Uruguay have terminated their relationship with the
institute. It is clear neither those nations nor this one have anything
to gain by supporting an institution with such a marred, violent
history.
One hundred sixty-seven U.S. Catholic bishops agree. They have
written Congress in support of this amendment and called for the
institute's closure, recognizing that many of its graduates have
consistently targeted Catholic clergy and lay workers across Latin
America. As a Congresswoman, a Catholic and an American, I believe
every action that we take sends the whole world a clear message about
our priorities and values as a Nation.
I urge my colleagues to support the McGovern amendment, make it clear
we are serious about human rights and that the United States of America
does not train murderers or killers and that we take the loss of human
life seriously.
{time} 2000
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to my good friend and
colleague from the great State of Georgia. The gentleman represents
Fort Benning in Muscogee County, and it gives me great pleasure at this
time to yield to my colleague from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I want to thank my friend, Mr. Gingrey, for doing
this and his tireless work on presenting the WHINSEC good faith that
they do.
Mr. Chairman, it's a shame that every year defenders of the Western
Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation have to fight for its
very existence. But the annual efforts of my colleague, Mr. McGovern,
and others to close this important institution at least gives us a
regular opportunity to discuss the great work done at WHINSEC in a
national forum.
It also gives Members of the House a chance to show their support for
this educational institution that spreads American know-how and
American values to our neighbors and allies throughout Latin America.
At least since the administration of Woodrow Wilson, presidents and
congressional leaders of both parties have included promotion of
democracy throughout our hemisphere and the rest the world as a central
tenet of U.S. foreign policy. The last 20 years have witnessed
significant global progress in scores of countries. From the southern
tip of South America to the northern reaches of Central Europe and
throughout the Pacific Rim, the oppressed have become liberated.
From the beginning of our Nation, we have belief that the right to
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness comes not from man or from
law; those rights are God-given. Thus, we knows as Americans that we
can't take all the credit for the growth of liberty and human rights,
but we can take pride that our Nation has served for more than 100
years as the loudest voice, the greatest advocate and the fiercest
defender of democracy, liberty and individual determination.
When we must, we wield the stick. We have fought and shed blood for
democracy on the beaches of Normandy, the jungles of Vietnam and the
deserts of Iraq.
When we can, we wield the carrot. We promote our values to foreign
students and our world-leading university system by increasing
development through trade agreements and through targeted foreign aid.
WHINSEC is a great example of the carrot approach. It's a positive
influence through soft power. In other words, it's a positive influence
through education and training.
WHINSEC is based at Fort Benning, the world's largest infantry
training center, which is in my district. Fort Benning plays a huge
role in training the U.S. Army, the greatest fighting force in the
history of the world. Manuals currently used at WHINSEC are identical
to those used to train all U.S. Army personnel. WHINSEC operates the
most advanced and sophisticated military human rights training program
in the world.
Comparable training is not available from any other nation or in any
other American training facility. Without WHINSEC, Latin American
militaries would not have any access to training in military human
rights.
In the past 20 to 30 years, we have seen great transition in the
Latin American countries from the chains of totalitarianism towards the
freedom of democracy. We have seen democratically elected governments
become more stable, we have seen progress on free trade and more open
markets, and we have seen economic growth.
It's getting better, but challenges in the region remain. Fidel
Castro and Hugo Chavez remain vocal adversaries to freedom in the
American values.
The arc of the universe bends toward justice, and these foes of
freedom will fail in time, but the United States must continue to be
the lighthouse among rocky waters. We must cooperate, educate, and
assist our friends and our neighbors in Latin America. We do that best
by supporting WHINSEC and the crucial work that is done there.
I urge my colleagues to defeat the McGovern amendment and let freedom
ring throughout the Western Hemisphere.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, there seems to be a disconnect here. Let
me again try to be crystal clear.
The problem is that the WHINSEC takes no responsibility for knowing
anything about the human rights records of their students before they
come to the U.S. or when they return home. They say the vetting process
is done by the State Department, and then they say they will not, will
not, do follow-up after their students return to their home countries.
How can they then claim that their training is effective? Doesn't
that require some kind of follow-up or tracking of graduates? Nobody
has addressed the fact that, up until just now, we would have access.
There was public access to the people who went to the WHINSEC.
That's how we knew about those who violated human rights, because we
had the list. This is now the response that we get from this school
about the people who attend the school, not just the students, but the
instructors that they
[[Page H6923]]
bring in. Where is the transparency? Where is the accountability?
What's wrong with laying a little sunshine in?
Look, our standing around the world has never been lower. I hate to
tell you something, but in Latin America this is one of the most
unpopular schools that exists in the United States of America. People
think that this is a school responsible for training or at least
turning a blind eye to human rights violators, not just from years ago
but recently.
But, then again, we really can't tell you accurately and neither can
you tell me accurately what the human rights records are of these
people who are attending. Because it's all blacked out. I mean, this is
not the way a school in the United States that trains for our military
should operate.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, may I ask how much time I have remaining?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Georgia has 6\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, at this time, it gives me great pleasure
to yield up to 5 minutes to the distinguished chairman of the House
Armed Services Committee, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton).
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Chairman, we are speaking about today and not 1983.
I have had the opportunity, since being a Member of Congress, to work
in the area of professional military education. I must tell you it's
important not just for American students, American leaders, American
service personnel, but it's important for our friends and allies as
well.
I have nothing but great respect, great respect for my friend, my
colleague from Massachusetts. I know how strongly he feels in his
beliefs. But I must say that we are doing the right thing by keeping
this school going and going well.
We do not teach human rights abuse. This school bestows upon its
students standards. It teaches them military art. It teaches them
military-to-military relationships. It also instructs in the area of
human rights.
I have been to Latin America several times. Three weeks ago, I
travelled again to the region with Dr. Gingrey and Mr. Conaway, visited
Colombia and Panama. There we met with President Uribe of Colombia,
President Torrijos of Panama, and other senior military and political
leaders. Without exception, the leaders of those countries touted the
WHINSEC program in Georgia as an exceptional opportunity for their men
and women in uniform to gain not only technical knowledge but a deeper
understanding of human rights.
Furthermore, spending time in the United States gives them an
opportunity to learn of American values, gives them the opportunity to
make friends within the American military, with whom they will
undoubtedly, in days and years ahead, will have the opportunity to
work.
I spoke with our American commanders in the field. They reiterated
what I have heard many times before. Individuals who have been trained
at WHINSEC performed better on their missions in their host country
than those who have not.
Our military commanders also cherished the relationships that they
have built with their Latin American counterparts who participated in
the program.
In addition to comprehending our military culture and its operations,
the school of graduates often are promoted and rapidly rise through the
ranks. They understand what it is to have American values, and they
understand about human rights which are taught there. The message from
everyone was simple: Please keep that school open.
Professional military education is so important, but it's also
extremely important to allow our neighbors, our friends to the south.
We can't forget them to participate in the professional military
education of our country.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, let me again make a point here that is
that last year when we were debating this same issue, an Army officer
trained at the School of the Americas murdered a DEA-trained anti-
narcotics unit in Colombia. This is still happening every day.
We were told a little while ago that everything, we are referring to
the distant past. Well, again, I mentioned the Bolivian ombudsman, Mr.
Albarracin, who was tortured in Bolivia in 1997, and his torturer,
Major Urzagaste, went to WHINSEC in 2002.
Again, I am going to keep on saying this. I don't have a problem with
training foreign militaries. What I have a problem with is this: the
secrecy, the lack of accountability, the lack of transparency.
I am going to tell you something. We are going to find out, sooner or
later, who some of these people are; and we are going to find out that
they are responsible for atrocities. I gave them an example of somebody
who was admitted to the school after he had been accused of torture.
I mean, where is the vetting process? We need to do much better.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished chairwoman of
the subcommittee, Mrs. Lowey.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this amendment. For
years, many Members of Congress and activists, including the Maryknoll
nuns based in my congressional district, fought to shut down the School
of the Americas. The school's very existence was undermining United
States efforts to promote civilian control of the military and respect
for human rights in Latin America.
So the Army closed the school of the Americas and reopened it a few
weeks later with a new name, WHINSEC. Past questions about the School
of the Americas has still not been resolved, giving us no basis on
which to build a better, more credible, effective program at WHINSEC.
We need to shine the light on the past of the School of the Americas in
order to put WHINSEC on track to be a beacon of light for the
militaries of Latin America.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, how much additional time do I have?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Georgia has 3 minutes
remaining.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
southwest Georgia (Mr. Bishop), who also represents Muscogee County,
Columbus and Fort Benning.
Mr. BISHOP of Georgia. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I represent Fort Benning; and I represent the WHINSEC,
the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation. This is a
fine institution. It's designed and it is functioning, created just in
2001 in response to the critique that you have heard today over and
over again to promote professional education and training to eligible
nations in the Western Hemisphere in democratic principles that are set
forth in the charter of the Organization of American States.
You have heard all of this critique, but if you look at the bill
itself that we are debating tonight, on page 65, language is put in
here specifically to address these concerns. It says, ``That the
Secretary of State shall submit to the Committee on Appropriations, no
later than 60 days after enactment of this Act, a report addressing how
the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation IMET program
for fiscal year 2008 contributes to the promotion of human rights,
respect for civilian authority and the rule of law, the establishment
of legitimate judicial mechanisms for the military, and achieving the
goal of right sizing military forces.''
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent for an additional
minute on our side and the proponents' side so the gentleman can
conclude his thoughts and we can have our last speaker.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Georgia?
There was no objection.
Mr. BISHOP of GEORGIA. The points that have been made and the
critiques that have been made can all be addressed by the legislation
written by the subcommittee, by the full committee in the bill and
hopefully will be adopted by the House tonight.
{time} 2015
And so I would urge the defeat of this amendment. I think that we
need to proceed. We need to continue promoting democracy in our own
neighborhood in the Western Hemisphere, and I think that the Western
Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation does just that, and I'd
like for us to keep it and defeat this amendment.
[[Page H6924]]
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds.
I don't want any more reports. What I want is accountability. I want
to know whose going there. I want to know what happens to them when
they go back to their country. I want to know their backgrounds before
they go to the school.
You know, we knew, we found out that 19 of the 26 trigger men who
murdered in cold blood six Jesuit priests in El Salvador were graduates
of the school because we had access to the names. We don't have access
to the names anymore. And no report is going to give us access to the
names.
We want transparency. We want accountability. There are problems
here. We need to address them. That's our job.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Conaway).
Mr. CONAWAY. I want to thank the gentleman for allowing me to speak
in opposition to this amendment.
There are anecdotes for folks who have gone through this school at
various stages over the last 50 years or 40 years, who have turned bad
and been bad people. But there are hundreds, literally thousands, of
men and women who've been trained at these schools, have gone back to
their country of origin and taken with them the values that they get
here, the respect for civilian authority. The human rights training
that's gone on since the WHINSEC was reformulated, that is invaluable.
I've been to Colombia and Panama recently with my good colleagues,
Chairman Skelton and Dr. Gingrey and listened to the firsthand reports
from the men and women who serve in our military who tell us that the
men and women who are trained in this school come back to those
countries better prepared to lead their country down a path that we
would respect and we would want them to lead.
So I respectfully ask my colleagues to vote against this amendment.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds.
I have great regard for the gentleman from Texas. But my question is,
how do you know? Do you track all these people individually? Can you
tell me that all these people whose names have been crossed out are
pure, that they are following a code of human rights; that they're not
guilty of atrocities against their people?
That's the point here. I'm not arguing against the U.S. being
involved in training programs. What I'm saying is that there's
something fundamentally wrong with a training program where everything
is secret; where we're told everybody is great, but yet we can't have
access to track down the people who go to that school. We need to
change that.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, what is truly disingenuous is that nobody
here tonight speaking against WHINSEC, to my knowledge, has ever taken
the time to visit the school.
The gentleman, the author of the amendment, my good friend, talked
about transparency. It's not because folks have not been invited.
WHINSEC is so proud of its operation and record on human rights that it
maintains an open-door policy. And Mr. Chairman, that would be true
even for the School of the Americas Watch Group. They are welcome at
any time to come in and look and talk to Colonel Perez, the director of
the school, and look at the curriculum. Any Member of this body can
show up unannounced to see for themselves what's being taught at
WHINSEC.
Those of us who've taken the time to visit understand the critical
importance of engaging the leaders and the law enforcement personnel of
our closest neighbors while spreading democracy and respect for human
rights. We understand that unlike its predecessor, the School of the
Americas, WHINSEC has a substantial human rights component that goes
well beyond the training required by law.
In fact, at a recent HASC hearing, Admiral Stavridis, the Commander
of Southern Command, referred to WHINSEC as the military's crown jewel
for human rights training.
Mr. Chairman, as we've made clear, those who advocate cutting funding
for WHINSEC do so in the absence of fact. WHINSEC has a spotless human
rights record and a tremendous record of success in the Western
Hemisphere.
I urge all my colleagues, please vote ``no'' on the McGovern
amendment.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I'm not interested in going to visit a
school and having hors d'oeuvres and a cocktail.
I'm interested in who goes to the school. That's what I'm interested
in. I want to follow-up who goes to the school, who's admitted to the
school. And we used to be able to have access to that information. And
even though the school didn't track the graduates, human rights
organizations did. We are now being denied access. I mean, where's the
transparency? You all talk about all the great graduates of this
school. How do you know when you get this in return? This is not an
open, transparent process.
Furthermore, more and more countries in Latin America are saying we
don't want to have anything to do with this school. Uruguay, Bolivia,
Argentina, Costa Rica have all pulled out of the school. They don't
want to have anything more to do with WHINSEC.
Mr. Chairman, we've heard a great deal today that without the WHINSEC
the U.S. would not be engaged in Latin America. Well, with all due
respect, the U.S. trains 15,000 or more Latin American military
officers and troops each and every year, less than 1,000 of them at the
WHINSEC. We are very engaged in Latin American militaries, and none of
these other programs carry the negative baggage that the WHINSEC does.
We have heard that WHINSEC has trained the future leaders of Latin
America. But, again, with all due respect, one of Latin America's
problems has been that too many of its national leaders were from the
military. We should be spending our time and our efforts on
strengthening civilian and democratic institutions.
We have heard assertions that that the WHINSEC is transparent and
promotes democratic values. But WHINSEC's own actions show those claims
to be a lie. What else do you need to see? I mean, what else do you
need to see?
Now, I suggest that instead of WHINSEC, we should support the model
of Argentina. After separating from the WHINSEC last year, Argentina
just opened a new military school where civilian, legal and human
rights experts will teach every single military officer about the role
of the military in a modern democratic state.
Mr. Chair, America's reputation with the people of Latin America is
at the lowest level ever. Cutting the funding for the WHINSEC will send
a powerful message to the people of Latin America who, hopefully, will
be the real future leaders of their nations, that the U.S. Congress
finally gets it.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to just close with a few personal remarks.
When I was working for our dear friend and former colleague,
Congressman Joe Moakley, six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper, and her
16-year old daughter were murdered in cold blood at the University of
Central America in San Salvador.
It made me sick to my stomach when I learned that 19 of the 26
soldiers who murdered these priests are graduates of the School of the
Americas. These priests were my friends, and I knew them. And over the
years, we have raised concerns first about the School of the Americas
and then its successor, the WHINSEC.
We have asked for transparency. We have called for accountability. We
have asked for specific follow-up with the graduates.
Let me be perfectly clear. There's a reason why WHINSEC does not
share information on its graduates and its teachers. They don't want us
to do the follow-up. They don't want us to point out what they should
be doing.
Passage of this amendment will send a strong signal to Latin America
that we do care about human rights. But it will also send a signal to
our own military that business as usual is not acceptable.
Vote ``yes'' on the McGovern-Lewis amendment.
La Paz, Bolivia, June 18, 2007.
Dear Honorable James McGovern, I am writing to you in
regards to the participation of police Captain Filmann
Urzagaste Rodriguez in human rights violations in Bolivia,
specifically in relation to his involvement in my kidnapping,
detention and torture.
[[Page H6925]]
The events took place in January of 1997, while I held the
presidential seat of the Permanent Assembly for Human Rights
of Bolivia (the country's largest non governmental human
rights organization). On the morning of January 25th of the
aforementioned year I left my residence and hailed a taxi in
direction to the University. After traveling approximately
300 meters, the taxi was intercepted by two other vehicles
from which a group of men dressed in civilian clothing forced
me out of the taxi and dragged me into one of the vehicles. I
did not have enough time to count the number of people but I
estimate the number to be between 8 to 10 men. Once in the
vehicle they proceeded to cover my eyes and forced me to lie
face down on the floor of the backseat. The vehicle then
drove to the outside of the city, I was able to notice the
difference as I felt the dust from the road hitting my face.
With the vehicle in motion I was subjected to torture by my
kidnappers. I could not see their faces and was unable to
identify them. By their actions I concluded that the
objective was to physically eliminate me or make me
disappear. Nonetheless, during the terrorist operative I
noticed a sudden change; I could hear an intensive exchange
of communications taking place between the men in the vehicle
and another source through hand held transmitters or walkie-
talkies. The vehicle made a sharp turn and seemed to head in
a direction back towards the city. After approximately two
hours I was placed in a closed room, surrounded by silence.
After noticing that I couldn't hear anybody breathing close
to me I removed the blindfolds and realized that I was in a
police holding cell, thus concluding who had carried out the
operation, there was no doubt that the police were
responsible.
Sometime during the night I was taken from the cell and
moved to a police administered clinic due to the lesions on
my body (I could feel a few broken ribs and I was unable to
move my body). Until that point, neither my family nor the
other members of the Human Rights Assembly were aware of my
whereabouts, but thanks to one of the doctors, whose identity
I guard to this day, who was kind enough to contact them over
phone on my behalf. Thanks to this information, a lot of
people were informed of my whereabouts within the hour.
Under international pressure and public scrutiny, the then
President of the Republic, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, fired
the Police Chief. Nonetheless, the government protected the
identities of the authors of my kidnapping due to the
involvement of Minister Carlos Sanchez Berzain. This is why
those responsible have not been brought to justice.
The then Captain of the Bolivian Police, Filmann Urzagaste
Rodriguez, played a role in the events. This information was
obtained through the Bolivian police force, given that at the
time the event became public, high commanding police officers
began accusing one another. Unfortunately the officer [i.e.
Urzagaste] and others benefited by the impunity provided by
the powers of the political sphere.
This is what I can inform in summary of this particular
case.
In my condition as the current Defender of the People of
Bolivia [i.e. Ombudsman] and a human rights activist I
consider that the work your office has been carrying out to
obtain the definitive closing of the institution formerly
known as the ``School of the Americas'' to be of great
importance. Said entity is marked by a sad and shameful
history in our continent, it was there that the main
protagonists and authors of some of the worst crimes against
humanity executed in Latin America received instruction. I
send you my support and express my unconditional solidarity
in hopes that the legislative authorities of the United
Status attend to your request.
Sincerely,
Waldo Albarracin Sanchez,
Defender of the People of Bolivia.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last Name 2nd Last Name First Name Rank Country Course
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Acevedo............................ De Arbaiza............ Marta................. 1LT.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
Aleman............................. Molina................ Eduardo............... 1LT.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
Bolanos............................ Silva................. Luis.................. 1LT.................. Colombia............. LDR-1
Del Cid............................ Diaz.................. Francisco............. COL.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
Erazo.............................. Ojeda................. Sebastian............. 1LT.................. Chile................ NPME-8-3
Gomez.............................. Dominguez............. Fernando.............. 1LT.................. Chile................ DEV-2-6
Ramirez............................ Donoso................ Jose.................. MSG.................. Chile................ DEV-2-6
Rapiman............................ Cayul................. Oscar................. MSG.................. Chile................ NPME-8-3
Toval.............................. Plazas................ Javier................ 1LT.................. Colombia............. LDR-1-2
Acevedo............................ Mujica................ Sebastian............. MAJ.................. Paraguay............. CMS-6
Acosta............................. Lara.................. Delis................. SSG.................. Venezuela............ NPME-8-2
Acosta............................. Piantini.............. Catalino.............. LTC.................. Dom Rep.............. CMS-1-2
Acosta............................. Nunez................. Angel................. CDT.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
Acosta............................. Mesa.................. Fabian................ 2LT.................. Colombia............. TAC-6-2
Aduviri............................ Antezana.............. Jose.................. MSG.................. Bolivia.............. OJT
Aduviri............................ Antezana.............. Jose.................. MSG.................. Bolivia.............. DEV-2-3
Aduviri............................ Antezana.............. Jose.................. MSG.................. Bolivia.............. NPME-8-2
Aguero............................. Alder................. Pastor................ MAJ.................. Paraguay............. CMS-7
Aguerre............................ Gutierrez............. Jorge................. PV2.................. Colombia............. TAC-8-2
Aguilar............................ Rojas................. Martin................ SSG.................. Panama............... TAC-6-2
Aguilar............................ S..................... Patricio.............. CPT.................. Ecuador.............. TAC-2
Aguilar............................ Valverde.............. Juan.................. CPT.................. Costa Rica........... DEV-2-4
Aguilar............................ Manzano............... Eduardo............... PFC.................. Chile................ DEV-2-6
Aguilera........................... Argueta............... Ronald................ CDT.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
Aguilera........................... Miranda............... Pablo................. PFC.................. Chile................ DEV-2-6
Aguirre............................ Stoaminga............. Edgar................. SPC.................. Ecuador.............. TAC-6-2
Alarcon............................ Mirand................ Pablo................. SGT.................. Chile................ NPME-8-2
Alarcon............................ Bustos................ Jose.................. PFC.................. Chile................ NPME-8
Alas............................... Luquez................ Hector................ MAJ.................. El Salvador.......... OPME-5
Albarracin......................... ...................... Antonio............... SGT.................. Colombia............. NPME-8-2
Alcantara.......................... Silva................. Pablo................. CPT.................. Mexico............... CMS-6
Aleman............................. Sanchez............... Llery................. 2LT.................. Honduras............. LDR-4
Alfonso............................ Forero................ Javier................ CDT.................. Colombia............. LDR-1-2
Aliaga............................. Llantoy............... Henrry................ SSG.................. Peru................. NPME-8-3
Almeida............................ ...................... Jaime................. LTC.................. Ecuador.............. CMS-5-6
Altamirano......................... ...................... Gabriel............... SGT.................. Ecuador.............. TAC-6-2
Alturo............................. Quintero.............. Alexadner............. SGT.................. Colombia............. NPME-8-2
Alverez............................ Buitrago.............. German................ 1LT.................. Colombia............. CMS-5-8
Alvarez............................ Ochoa................. Javier................ MAJ.................. Colombia............. OPME-5
Alvarez............................ Vejar................. Jorge................. SGT.................. Chile................ NPME-8-2
Alvarez............................ ...................... Pablo................. SGT.................. Uruguay.............. TAC-7
Alvarez............................ Palacio............... Rodrigo............... 2LT.................. Honduras............. LDR-4
Amarista........................... ...................... Victor................ SFC.................. Venezuela............ NPME-8-2
Amaya.............................. Gomez................. Jose.................. CDT.................. El Salvador.......... LDR-4-2
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. I yield 1
minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Sestak).
Mr. SESTAK. With great respect to the Representative from
Massachusetts, I'd be remiss not to say the following:
I have seen in 31 years in our military, us be resisted throughout
this world for the power of our economy and the power of our military.
But I've watched us be admired for the power of our ideals. And the
story I'm about to tell I saw many times over.
In command of a small ship, I pulled into a country. A young officer
got underway with us. As we pulled back in, after an overnight, he said
Captain, you treat your men, enlisted men, different than we do. I
said, what do you mean? He said, you treat them as though they're equal
to you. I said, they say yes, sir or no, sir. He said, no, you treat
them as though they're equal human beings. We don't.
My only comment is, I have seen that so many times, that that picture
of a GI with the candy bar is true. We do make mistakes.
But I truly ask, don't close this school. Improve it. It has made
mistakes. It is needed for engagement of a good men and women in a good
military to show the ideals of our country.
Mr. WOLF. Reclaiming my time, if I may, Mr. Chairman. I'd like to
just yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, once you sift through the mountain of
misinformation presented on the floor tonight, it's clear that those
who advocate cutting funding from WHINSEC do so, as I say, in the
absence of fact. WHINSEC is not the School of the
[[Page H6926]]
Americas. WHINSEC has a spotless human rights record and is exceeding
in helping the United States develop critical relationships with our
closer neighbors.
Mr. Chairman, in fact, it is time to let the School of the Americas
go, and to give WHINSEC a chance.
And so I urge all my colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. I move to strike the last word, and I'm pleased to yield
to my colleague, Mr. McGovern.
Mr. McGOVERN. Let me say to the gentleman from Georgia, their record
isn't spotless. We presented five cases last year. I mean, maybe you
weren't listening to the debate, but we did. And the problem with this
year is this is what the WHINSEC gave us, so we can't follow up.
And to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who I have great respect for,
you know, I'm not against military training. And yeah, we need to do
better. My amendment, by the way, doesn't cut off all funding for the
WHINSEC. Most of that money is in the Defense bill. It only cuts off
the money that is under the jurisdiction of this bill.
And yes, it does need to be improved. I don't know how anybody can
vote against this amendment in light of the fact that this is their,
WHINSEC's, example of transparency. How do we follow up on the
graduates? How can we follow up on whether the people that are going
there are human rights abusers when we get this in return?
Even under the infamous School of the Americas, we were given the
names. That's how I found out that 19 of the 22 trigger men who
murdered the Jesuit priests were graduates of the School of Americas.
If I got this I never would have known that. This is what they have
given us.
Now, this is not transparency. This is not accountability. You want
that school to do better, we need to send a message on the floor of the
House today that we're not satisfied with business as usual, and the
way to do that is vote for the McGovern amendment.
I urge all my colleagues to vote for the McGovern-Lewis amendment.
Let's take a stand for human rights. If this country stands for
anything, it needs to stand out loud and four square for human rights,
and this is one way to prove it. Vote for this amendment.
Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the McGovern-Lewis
amendment.
This important amendment will prohibit funding to the infamous
Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC)
formerly known as the School of the Americas.
We all know the history of this Institute that has long been
associated with human rights abuses and many of its students have been
tied to death squads and international coups.
Despite assurances to the contrary by supporters of the WHINSEC, the
continuing legacy of blood and terror by these graduates calls into
question how these candidates are recruited and vetted.
Mr. Chairman, at a time when our occupation of Iraq has greatly
damaged our credibility and standing in the world, the last thing we
need to be doing is funding an organization like WHINSEC that is
drenched in a legacy of secrecy, terror, and violence.
I urge my colleagues to support the McGovern-Lewis amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from
Massachusetts will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Ros-Lehtinen
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Ms. Ros-Lehtinen:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used by the Department of State as a contribution for the
United Nations Human Rights Council.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007 the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and a
Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman, I want to begin by thanking the
gentlelady from New York, the chair of the subcommittee, Ms. Lowey, and
my dear friend from Virginia, Mr. Wolf, for agreeing to accept this
amendment and for their support and their leadership on this and other
human rights issues.
I also want to recognize my good friends, my esteemed colleagues who
joined me in offering this amendment: Mr. Rohrabacher, Mr. Stearns, Mr.
McCaul, and Judge Poe.
This amendment makes clear that the United States will not spend
millions of U.S. taxpayer dollars to support the travesty of the U.N.
Human Rights Council, more appropriately named the Human Wrongs
Council. It does not cut off U.S. contributions to the U.N. regular
budget, but actually prohibits them from being used to support the
Council in any way.
Two days ago the so-called U.N. Human Rights Council celebrated its
first birthday by giving gifts to repressive dictators and Islamic
radicals, by halting unfinished investigations into human rights
conditions in Cuba and Belarus, and creating a permanent agenda item
relating to Israel.
The actions against Israel took place as news reports documented the
horrific actions by Hamas against innocent Palestinians, including
those in Gaza clamoring to enter Israel. The Council has been fatally
flawed from its inception in the year 2006, and has proven even more
problematic than the already discredited U.N. Human Rights Commission
that it was designated to replace.
{time} 2030
Instead of becoming part of the solution, Mr. Chairman, the United
Nations Human Rights Council continues to perpetuate intolerance,
serving as a forum for hateful attacks against Israel by some of the
worst violators of human rights.
To cite just one of many examples, the Iranian representative to the
Human Rights Council stated on December 12 of last year: ``There is an
Israeli holocaust against Palestinian people here on a daily basis for
more than 60 years, which was already noted by three special
sessions.'' This is a human rights activist?
In contrast, the Council has failed to condemn the genocide in
Darfur, has failed to condemn the sprawling gulag in North Korea, has
failed to condemn the political and human rights daily abuses in China
and the bloody repression in Burma and Zimbabwe.
Simply put, the U.N. Human Rights Council is a failure. We were right
to refuse to dignify this poisonous talk-shop with our membership, and
we must refuse to support it with our tax dollars.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield the balance of my time to my
colleague from Florida (Mr. Stearns), who has taken for many years a
leadership substance on this issue.
(Mr. STEARNS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Chairman, let me thank my distinguished colleague
for yielding.
And I think her comment about the ``human wrong commission'' is
appropriate, and I think that is a very apt way to explain it. When you
talk about all the work they did, and she mentioned Darfur, that the
Human Rights Council of the U.N. was unable to even pass a simple
resolution dealing with it, that is unbelievable.
But where did they spend most of their time? That is a good question
we could ask. Do you know where they spent most of their time?
Condemning Israel. The Council's sole country-specific resolution
censured Israel and adopted a decision to discuss human rights
violations committed by Israel in the Palestinian territories
permanently and in all the Council's meetings. Every Council meeting
would discuss Israel's alleged abuses against Palestinians, without
mentioning Palestinian provocations or their aggression. It is just
unbelievable. In fact, the Council adopted a resolution that strongly
condemned Israel for ``violations of human rights and breaches of
[[Page H6927]]
international humanitarian law in Lebanon.'' In Lebanon, without
reference to provocations by Hezbollah. Talk about a ``human wrong
commission.'' This is it.
So I am so gratified that this amendment has been accepted. I have a
bill, H.R. 225, that outlines this amendment. I had an amendment last
year on this subject in this appropriations process. We got 163 votes.
But we lost. And I think a lot of people said, well, the U.N. is
starting reforms in house. Let's give it a chance with its Human Rights
Council. So we said, okay, we'll give it a chance. But, by all
assessment it failed. In fact, the words of Peggy Hicks, the global
advocacy director of Human Rights Watch, sums it up when she said:
``The new Human Rights Council must be more than the dysfunctional old
commission by another name.''
So from that, to the comment of the Miami Herald when they wrote,
``Why should these wolves guard the hen house?''
I ask that we pass this amendment, and I thank my colleagues.
Take the so-called reforms to the membership of the council. The
original proposal by the former Secretary General Annan (AH-NON) was to
reduce membership to enable the council to be smaller and more agile in
acting against human rights offenses. Indeed, the UN did reduce the
number of members--from 53 down to 47. These 47 UN members are elected
to three-year terms on the UNHRC. The new geographic quota system
ensures a majority of membership slots for the world's least democratic
regions. The African and Asian regional groups control a 55% majority--
even more than they did on the former commission. Governments that
routinely violate fundamental freedoms in their own countries shouldn't
be setting the standards for anyone else.
Under the new council, a country can be suspended from council
membership due to continuing human rights abuses only if two-thirds of
the members of the General Assembly agree to do so. That is the only
protection against human rights abusers being elected to the council.
However, in practice this provision is useless. Less than half of the
General Assembly agreed that Sudan is guilty of any human rights
violations. If the General Assembly cannot agree on such a blatantly
clear cut case of human rights abuse, how can we expect them to agree
on suspending membership of countries that are human rights? The answer
is, we can't. Known abusers like Russia, China, Azerbaijan, Cuba, and
Algeria were all elected members this last session.
Finally, let us look at their actions. Under a General Assembly
resolution, the Council has responsibility for ``promoting universal
respect for the protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms
for all, without distinction of any kind and in a fair and equal
manner'' and it must ``address situations of violations of human
rights, including gross and systematic violations, and make
recommendations thereon.'' There have been several opportunities for
the Council to act with numerous cases of human rights abuses around
the world. In Darfur, there are 2.5 million people displaced by the
violence, 385,000 people in immediate risk of starvation, and over two
million dead in the 22 years of violence. But the Human Rights Council
was unable to pass a resolution on Darfur. Neither did it act regarding
the lack of civil and political rights across China, the 13 million
women in Saudi Arabia who live in fear of beatings if they go anywhere
alone, or the dire human-rights conditions of 23 million people in
North Korea. It also failed to address the Iranian President's
incitement to genocide or the fact that his country's legal system
includes crucifixion, stoning and amputation as viable punishments.
Ambassador Bolton stated at the creation of the new council, ``We
want a butterfly. We're not going to put lipstick on a caterpillar and
declare it a success.'' As a result, the Administration announced that
it would not seek a seat on the council in 2006 but would continue
financial support, and may seek membership in 2007 if the Council
proves effective.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this amendment.
I agree with the intention of the amendment and thank my friend for
raising this very important issue.
I want to reiterate my support for the United Nations. I strongly
believe in the mission of the United Nations. That plays an
indispensable role in the world today. In fact, it has often been said
that if the United Nations did not already exist, we would surely need
to invent it.
The U.N. plays an important role in maintaining international peace
and security, promoting economic and social development, alleviating
hunger, championing human rights, and supporting efforts to address
humanitarian crises.
However, the U.N. is by no means perfect. It is often too slow to act
in times of crisis, and too often the U.N. is a reflection of the
lowest common denominator, rather than the best and the brightest.
A perfect example of the problems with the U.N. is the Human Rights
Council. My friend and I agree that there are problems, and I want to
assure my friend that as we move toward conference that we will ensure
that none of the funds in the CIO account will go toward paying the
costs of the United Nations Human Rights Council.
And, again, I thank my friend.
Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield to my friend (Ms. Berkley).
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to particularly thank our
subcommittee chairman, Nita Lowey. I think she has done a remarkable
job throughout the day and during her entire service in the United
States Congress.
And to my good friend Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, I want to thank her for
her leadership on this issue.
Mr. Chairman, the time has come to put an end to the shenanigans at
the United Nations. While murderous and dictatorial regimes in North
Korea, Zimbabwe, and Sudan have starved and burned and raped and killed
hundreds of thousands of their own countrymen, the United Nations Human
Rights Council focuses its attention on the only democratic country in
the Middle East: Israel. Israel, with a free press, a country with free
elections, a vibrant economy, and an open society; a nation that has to
defend itself from terrorists and terrorism, terrorists who would wipe
it from the face of the Earth if they had half a chance. Now that is a
human rights issue worth looking into.
Mr. Chairman, the United Nations' Orwellian hypocrisy on human rights
is so well known it has become a cliche. This body must take a stand
against this mockery of a Human Rights Council. Let us cut off funding
for this shameful and outrageous organization.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Poe
Mr. POE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Poe:
At the end of the bill, before the short title, insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to provide an immigrant or nonimmigrant visa to a
national or citizen of a country with which the United States
maintains diplomatic relations and the central government of
which has notified the Secretary of State of its refusal to
extradite to the United States any individual indicted in the
United States for killing a law enforcement officer, as
specified in a United States extradition request.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe) and a Member opposed
each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. POE. Mr. Chairman, as a former prosecutor and felony court judge
in Texas, I tried a lot of cases where the victims of homicide were
peace officers. Like any victim, these officers came from all ages and
all races. The murder of a peace officer is one of the most serious
crimes that can occur in any community.
Unlike other victims, Mr. Chairman, peace officers carry the daily
burden of protecting their communities from crime, everything from
petty theft to the most violent and vicious of crimes. Every day these
defenders of our cities put their lives on the line. They have asked to
be in harm's way, and then when one is killed in the line of duty,
their loss is deeply felt by the entire community.
There are cases, however, when peace officers are killed and their
killers happen to be immigrants from foreign countries, some legal
immigrants, some illegal. And there are many cases where the home
countries of these immigrants refuse to send them back to the United
States to face their charges
[[Page H6928]]
once they are requested to be extradited to the United States from
their home country.
In 2002, a Los Angeles County sheriff was murdered by a Mexican
citizen who was illegally in the country. However, the Mexican
government refused for 5 years to extradite him to the United States to
stand trial, and it only occurred this January when the charge was
reduced.
The same occurred in Denver in 2005 when a police officer by the name
of Donnie Young was murdered, and only after the charges were reduced
was the killer extradited back to this country.
Killing police officers seems to also be a popular pastime for a few
immigrants in Texas. In my hometown, a Houston police officer by the
name of Rodney Johnson was shot four times and killed by an illegal
immigrant in September of 2006. In fact, the last three law enforcement
officers shot in Harris County, Texas, were shot by people who were
illegally here in the United States.
Fortunately, each of these killers were captured before they fled to
their home country, and they will have their day in court. But what
about the ones that don't get caught and flee to some other country?
This problem is only increasing in States that border Mexico, where
travel across the border is easy; and now violent drug cartels rule the
area and certainly have no qualms about shooting at American peace
officer.
So this country should not be spending money toward admitting
immigrants to the United States from any country that refuses to allow
the United States to try police killers by harboring those killers in
their country.
I ask my fellow Members of Congress to join me, along with the
Fraternal Order of Police that has endorsed this amendment, to support
limiting funds in this bill to be used for issuing visas to nationals
or citizens of countries that have notified our State Department of
their refusal to extradite to the United States an individual indicted
for killing a peace officer in this country. We owe this to our peace
officers and their families.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. POE. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express reservations regarding
the gentleman's amendment.
I do share his deep concern over the refusal of certain countries to
extradite to the United States any individual indicted in the United
States for killing a law enforcement officer. I certainly do not
condone the refusal of those governments to extradite those accused of
murdering a law enforcement officer in order to allow the families of
fallen law enforcement officers to see the person or persons involved
face justice.
However, the remedy that the gentleman is proposing is not targeted
at the central government but at all persons from those countries
applying for a visa. I just have some reservations about punishing the
people of a country because their government is doing something
objectionable that goes against the way we would like to be seen in the
world.
But I am prepared to accept the amendment and bring this matter to
conference.
Mr. POE. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I understand the
chairman's concerns about this amendment, but it will be an effort to,
of course, get those people back in the United States who are charged
with the specific crime of killing a peace officer.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I know it has been accepted, but this is an important amendment. My
father was a policeman for 20 years in the city of Philadelphia.
If a country isn't prepared to send somebody back, then we ought to
do what the gentleman from Texas said. We ought to deny them the visa.
And I will push for this when we get to conference. I think this is a
good amendment.
We just can't go to all these meetings and say we love our police
officers and we honor them and then all of a sudden we walk away from
them. The gentleman is exactly right. Let's pass this. I appreciate its
being accepted. But I think we ought to pass it because they think we
are a patsy.
We also had a young man in my district who was run over and killed
around Christmastime. And the guy left and went back to El Salvador,
and that family hurts, are in pain every day, and they can't get this
guy back. So I think if there is any deficiency in it, it probably
ought to cover every felon but at least peace officers.
So it is a good amendment, and it has been accepted. But, frankly, I
think we should have asked for a roll call vote to get every Member on
record for it. But since it has been accepted, let's keep it in the
bill.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Blunt
Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Blunt:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used for the International Seabed Authority or the
Enterprise of the International Seabed Authority.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June, 20, 2007, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Missouri.
Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Chairman, nearly 25 years ago, President Ronald Reagan
was given the option of signing what was at that time a little-known
international treaty promising to bring the world's countries together
to seamlessly and equitably manage the vast expanses of ocean covering
the Earth.
That accord, all 17 parts, 320 articles, and 9 annexes of it, was
known the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It was
presented to the President as a key national security imperative, an
important economic opportunity, and a powerful message of cooperation
and trust to send to our current and future friends around the globe.
Mr. Chairman, it didn't take President Reagan more than a few days to
separate the rhetoric from the reality. He rightly interpreted the Law
of the Sea Treaty, LOST, as a direct affront to American sovereignty
and envisioned, presciently, as it turned out, that it might some day
be used as a tool by foreign governments to exercise direct authority
over American interests, activities, and industries.
{time} 2045
President Reagan not only refused to sign the treaty, he fired the
staffers that were responsible for negotiating it in the first place.
More than a generation later, there is talk in the U.S. Senate that
they may dust off this stale treaty once again and bring it to a vote.
Before it does, I believe this House has an obligation to take a close
look at one element of this accord, which will impact the way American
companies invest in new technology, it will impede their ability to
produce new energy, and has long-range implications.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment I have at the desk tonight will ensure
that none of the funds spent in the State and Foreign Operations budget
are used to support what's called the International Seabed Authority.
It's a semi-autonomous, unelected body of the United Nations with
authority to directly levy taxes and fines against American operators
with or without their approval. Worse still, it would have the power to
force a direct transfer of minerals and technology rights from the
American companies that develop them to any competitor it sees fit.
The Treaty's collision course with autonomous American Government is
obvious, Mr. Chairman; the Seabed Authority is not only an obvious and
very direct example of a U.N. effort to raise revenue without the input
of the United States Government, but the Authority would also
disincentivize private investment in offshore energy exploration which,
in our current energy climate, is something this Congress should be
working to avoid at all costs.
[[Page H6929]]
We need all the energy we can get, whenever and wherever we find it.
Submitting ourselves to an unelected, unaccountable, international
ocean bureaucracy when it comes to distributing what American companies
rightly explore doesn't strike me as the thing to do 25 years ago or
today.
Tonight, Mr. Chairman, I've come to the floor to ask my colleagues to
consider the implications of ceding unprecedented authority to an
agency of the U.N. without proper oversight, without legitimate
safeguards, and without a whole lot of concern about the economic and
security well-being of the United States.
I urge adoption of this amendment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. I rise to accept the amendment, and I thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BLUNT. I thank the gentlelady for accepting, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 26 Offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 26 offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. Appropriations made in this Act are hereby reduced
in the amount of $2,956,000,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan) and the gentlewoman
from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, Members of the House, I don't pretend to know exactly
how the billions of dollars in the Foreign Operations bill should be
exactly split up and allocated, that's the work of the committee. And I
appreciate the work of the Chair, the ranking member and those Members
of the Congress who are part of that important committee.
What I do understand is this: Government spends too much money. In
fact, if you would talk to the American people, go out and poll the
American people, talk to the families across this country and ask the
simple question, does government spend too little or does government
spend too much, is government too small or is government too big, does
government take too much of your money in taxes, my guess is the vast
majority of Americans across this country would say government is too
big, takes way too much of my money and spends way too much.
This amendment simply says this: We're not going to cut anything.
We're just going to say it's appropriate for government to live on last
year's level, just like all kinds of individuals, all kinds of
families, all kinds of businesses across this country have to do.
Specifically it would do this: It would reduce the total
appropriations in the bill by $2.9 billion, taking it right back,
keeping it right where it is at last year's spending level, while
providing discretion for the administration to avoid any reductions in
funding for the State of Israel. In simple terms it says this: We
understand that special bond that the United States has with the State
of Israel, and we're going to protect that; but we also understand
government spends too much money, and it's appropriate that we say
enough is enough, we have to hold the line on spending.
And here's why it's critical: There is a financial crisis around the
corner waiting for the United States, the people of this great country.
Read Pete Peterson's book, ``Running on Empty,'' talking about the
entitlement problems, what's happening with us, if we don't get
spending under control, what it's going to mean to our economy in the
future.
Read today's Washington Post, front page of the business section, the
entitlement column has pictures of the six leading Presidential
candidates, three from each party. It says, ``Stumping for Attention to
Deficit Disorder.'' It talks about this very problem.
There is a financial crisis around the corner that we have to deal
with. It's important we start now by simply saying let's hold the line.
Second big thing why this is so important. Spending inevitably leads
to tax increases. Spend, spend, spend leads to tax, tax, tax. The
American people are overtaxed, we don't want to tax them anymore. In
fact, we need to lower taxes so we can compete in the international
marketplace we're in right now.
We've got to deal with the financial situation that confronts us.
We've got to hold taxes down. That's why it's important for us to start
here and simply say we're going to hold the line on spending. Millions
of families, millions of individuals, millions of businesses across
this country are doing that very thing. It's not too much to ask the
United States Congress to do the same thing.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I think this amendment is fiscally
irresponsible, it will harm our national security, and I strongly
oppose it.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the minority
whip, the gentleman from the great State of Missouri (Mr. Blunt).
Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
This amendment is really another test of the Congress' commitment to
fiscal discipline.
Today we're considering a State and Foreign Operations bill that is
close to another record increase. I think it is below the President's
number, but I've voted on a number of bills over the last several years
that were below the President's number. And the fact is the President's
number was too high, 9\1/2\ percent increase over last year's spending
is too high. We can cut more than that, we can cut back to last year's
spending, we can cut a percent, we can cut 2 percent, we can cut, go
maybe even below last year's spending, but 9\1/2\ percent over last
year's spending is too much money for this bill at this time.
Not very many American families saw an increase last year of 9\1/2\
percent. First, you have to figure out where these massive increases
are going. Fourteen and 15 percent increases for the U.S. Agency for
International Development, $203 million, or a 17.6 percent, increase
for the United States contribution to various international
organizations.
Second, you have to look at where this wasteful spending is going.
We're funding things in this bill at increased levels like the
International Copper Study Group in Lisbon, Portugal; the International
Lead and Zinc Study Group at Lisbon, Portugal; the International
Hydrographic Organization at Monte Carlo; the International Rubber
Study Group in London, England; the International Tropical Timber
Organization at Yokohama, Japan. A 9\1/2\ percent increase in a budget
that American families will pay for, where not very many American
families got a 9\1/2\ percent increase.
We're going to have some legitimate debates about increases on
spending in this country. I think increases on spending in other
countries at this level are unacceptable. This is an important debate
to have, it's an important vote to have. I encourage the gentleman to
continue to make these kinds of principled stands.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson).
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this amendment. I don't
plan to use all of the 2 minutes.
This amendment jeopardizes greatly the national security of the
United States. It devastates program increases in key diplomatic
functions that the Secretary of State has requested, in particular in
the State Department.
This bill is already $700 million below the President of the United
States' request. And for the gentleman to offer an amendment to cut
this bill $2.9 billion across the board has profound implications for
the committee product.
[[Page H6930]]
I would encourage Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle to
reject this amendment.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Poe).
Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, this bill increases funding in the Foreign Operations
bill to foreign countries almost at 10 percent. And as already stated,
most Americans did not get a 10 percent increase in their income last
year, but yet we are going to spend money in foreign countries. And
much of this money is waste, total waste that Americans should not be
funding at all. It gives money also to nations that constantly and
consistently vote against us in the United Nations.
It's important to note, however, none of this funding decrease will
affect aid to our strongest ally to the Middle East, Israel; money that
is well spent for the security of not only Israel, but the United
States.
So, increasing funding in this Foreign Operations bill is not
acceptable. All we're doing in the gentleman from Ohio's amendment is
to put in it at last year's level, and that's a good idea.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield
to the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. TIERNEY. Mr. Chairman, at this time I want to talk about an
amendment that I would have offered but won't do so because I
understand it's subject to a point of order.
Pakistan is scheduled to have crucial parliamentary elections in the
fall of 2007 and the early winter of 2008. My amendment would withhold
a portion of military aid to Pakistan unless those elections occurred
and were free, fair and democratic.
Specifically, the amendment would have withheld $175 million out of a
total of $250 million that's allocated under this bill for foreign
military financing in Pakistan. These funds would be released when the
Secretary of State determined, giving due consideration to the
credible, independent judgment of reliable agencies that elections in
Pakistan were free, fair and democratic. The amendment also asks that
all steps of the election process, from voter registration on through
vote tabulation, be reviewed in reaching any such judgment.
This amendment would send a powerful message to the people of
Pakistan about the importance the United States places on the
democratic process. Instead of just talking about the importance of
democracy and saying that all peoples of the world should have these
rights, the amendment quite literally would give Congress a chance to
act consistently with its word.
Since the coup in which he rose to power 8 years ago, President
Musharraf has taken some positive steps, but his record is, at best,
mixed, especially recently. Today, President Musharraf is fighting the
most serious challenge to his 8-year dictatorship. The United States is
supporting him fully, and I guess that means that the message from the
United States to the Pakistani public would seem clear: The Bush
administration sees the war on terrorism as topping everything, even
support for democracy.
On March 9, President Musharraf suspended Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry,
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who was apparently seen as
threatening to President Musharraf's plans to consolidate his power.
That triggered street protests demanding Musharraf's resignation,
followed by a government-led crackdown on lawyers, the opposition
political parties, and the media. Thousands of lawyers nationwide have
led marches joined by women's groups, journalists and opposition
politicians.
The roots of this crisis go back to a blind bargain that Washington
made after 9/11 with a general and the army that had, up until then,
been the main patrons of the Taliban. The administration ignored
Musharraf's despotism in return for his promises to crack down on al
Qaeda and the Taliban. Now, despite $10 billion in U.S. aid to Pakistan
since 2001, that deal is shattered.
In December of 2005, the 9/11 Commission's Public Discourse Project
issued a report card noting that Musharraf has made efforts to take on
the threat of extremism, but has not shut down extremist-linked
madrassas or terrorist camps.
Taliban forces still pass freely across the Pakistan-Afghani border
and operate in Pakistani tribal areas. These border groups gained
political legitimacy last year when President Musharraf signed a series
of dubious peace deals with the Pakistan Taliban.
Extremist madrassas remain, and the extremism only becomes more
pervasive and dangerous. Madrassa students are burning books, CDs and
DVDs. Women in Islamabad have had acid doused in their faces for their
failure to wear burkas, and have been harassed for driving cars.
The military has refused to put a brake on their extremism. As
terrorism author Ahmed Rashid said, Musharraf promised the
international community that he would purge pro-Taliban elements from
his security service and convinced the Bush administration that his
philosophy of ``enlightened moderation'' was the only way to fend off
Islamic extremism, but Pakistan today is still the center of global
Islamic terrorism. Our own State Department concluded the same thing
several weeks ago.
Mr. Rashid is correct in saying that instead of confronting this
threat, the army has focused on keeping Musharraf in power. In trying
to spook the West into continuing to support him, he exaggerates
grossly the strength of the Islamic parties and warns that they might
take over his nuclear-armed country.
{time} 2100
Mr. Chairman, the fact is the United States would be far safer if we
supported a truly representative Pakistan government that could
marginalize the Jihadists rather than placing all of its eggs in a
Musharraf basket. A better outcome for all would be that everybody
participate in free and fair elections, and we should act in favor of
democracy with those policies.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his willingness
to withdraw the amendment. I know we'll work together on these very
important issues. The discussion certainly will continue between this
Congress and the administration as we move forward. I thank the
gentleman again for withdrawing.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I will just say I appreciate the
gentleman's speech and his passion, even though it had nothing to do
with the subject at hand.
Mr. Chairman, I would yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee
(Mr. David Davis).
Mr. DAVID DAVIS of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my
friend from Ohio for yielding.
It is interesting as I hear this debate, I am a new Member of
Congress. I have been here 6 months now. I've heard speakers on the
majority side talk about ``your amendment is irresponsible.'' I have a
hard time understanding that.
Quite frankly, coming from Tennessee, holding the line on spending is
not irresponsible. I heard another speaker talk about cuts. Well,
actually there is no cut. What your amendment actually does is hold it
at the levels of last year's spending. That is not a cut.
I have not gotten used to ``Washington speak'' yet, coming from the
mountains in East Tennessee. In East Tennessee, a cut actually means
you spend less money this year than you did last year. Your amendment
says you're going to spend the same amount of money. We are talking
about $34.2 billion. In East Tennessee, that is a lot of money. That
goes a long way.
Actually, what we are looking at in this appropriation bill is a 9.5
percent increase in spending. When the rate of inflation is less than 3
percent, this is a growth in spending of almost three to four times the
rate of inflation.
We have men and women all around America right now sitting at their
kitchen tables trying to decide how they are going to balance their
budgets. Why in the world are we in Congress trying to grow our budgets
almost 10 percent when we have people across America that are trying to
just balance their budget? Gas prices are high. They are worried about
increases in taxes.
The least we can do, the very least we can do, is just hold the line
on spending. That is not a cut. That is not how I learned about cuts
back in East Tennessee.
[[Page H6931]]
I just hope that we will do everything we can to support your budget.
I encourage support of your amendment. I encourage my colleagues to do
so. Still, we are looking at, again, $34.2 billion. I think that is
enough spending. We need to hold the line. Thank you for your
amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to
the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Ohio for
yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I notice as I walk down the halls of the House office
buildings these easels and these poster boards, I have been seeing
those for last 3 or 4 years, talking about the national debt and what
percentage of it is attributed to every man, woman and child in this
country. I think that national debt is something like $8.77 trillion
now. It is $29,000 for each man, woman and child.
Well, the Democrats have come with these 11 spending bills, Mr.
Chairman, to increase that spending an additional $23 billion. If my
math is correct, then that raises the amount of debt for every man,
woman and child in this country from $29,000 to $30,000.
But wait just a second, Mr. Chairman. The way they are going to avert
that is, you guessed it, raising taxes. They are going to put the
largest tax increase in United States history on the backs of the
American people. That is why the gentleman from Ohio has such a good
amendment, to just simply say, let's go back to 2007 levels.
Our hardworking men and women in this country, many of them, if not
most of them, during this past year probably got no raise. Their cost
of living went up. It didn't go down. So they are in a negative
situation.
Let's not make the matter worse by putting additional tax burden on
the backs of the American people.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to remind the gentleman that this
bill is $700 million below the President's request. We all understand
that the Nation is at war. We have tremendous challenges. This bill
provides important resources to address these challenges
internationally. It is absolutely irresponsible, in my judgment. It is
not in the national security interests of the United States of America.
I strongly oppose this irresponsible amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. JORDAN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio will be
postponed.
Amendment offered by Mr. Price of Georgia
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Price of Georgia.
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. Appropriations made in this Act are hereby reduced
in the amount of $342,430,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price) and the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to
offer this amendment. This amendment is what is affectionately referred
to as the Hefley amendment. Former Congressman Hefley, who served in
this body, offered an across-the-board decrease in spending in
appropriations bills by 1 percent in an effort to try to bring about
some fiscal responsibilities. I commend him at this time.
I also want to recognize Congresswoman Blackburn, Congressman
Hensarling, Congressman Feeney and Congressman Campbell for also
offering similar amendments and commend them for their fiscal
responsibility.
There has been a lot of talk about money, and properly so, during
this appropriation season. It is important, Mr. Chairman, however, to
remember where that money comes from. That money comes from hardworking
American taxpayers. It is their money. It is not the government's
money. It is their money. It is easy here in Washington to lose sight
of that fact.
{time} 2115
But it is imperative that we remember with great responsibility and
act with great reason as we move and spend the hard working American
taxpayers' money.
The big picture in this bill is that last year in this area of the
Federal budget we spent as a Nation $31.2 billion. That is with a B,
Mr. Chairman, $31.2 billion. The proposal today is to spend $34.2
billion. That is an increase of 9.5 percent. This amendment would
decrease that by 1 percent. By 1 percent. One penny out of every dollar
savings for the American people. A savings of $342 million.
I would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that this is a small step, a symbolic
step but is an important step, to let the American people know that,
yes, we do believe that we respect the hard work that they do, and we
also believe that it is important for Washington to get its fiscal
house in order.
I encourage my colleagues to support this amendment. I am pleased to
have the support of so many of my colleagues in this House on this
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the
gentleman's amendment. Now is exactly the wrong time to cut funding for
foreign assistance programs. This is not the way to balance the budget.
Instead of an overall cut, we should work to decrease instability
worldwide and address the underlying problems that cause that
instability.
The programs in this bill are pivotal to winning back the hearts and
minds overseas. They address the most difficult problems in the world
today, HIV-AIDS, famine, disease and disasters. The bill includes
programs that work to address the root causes of global instability
that require us to devote so many of our tax dollars to failed and
failing states to ensure that we protect our Nation. It is these
problems that have gotten us into the disastrous deficit that we are in
and it is these problems that the programs in this bill will address.
This bill is a carefully crafted, bipartisan measure. It is currently
$700 million below the President's request. We have already cut enough
from these important foreign assistance programs, and this amendment
would cut an additional $324 million.
Think about the most vulnerable and susceptible among us. This
amendment would take $51 million from addressing global HIV-AIDS. Our
goal is to turn the tide on this horrendous pandemic, not turn our
backs. This bill currently has the funding to ramp up treatment, care
and prevention activities. We can't turn around now.
I strongly oppose this irresponsible amendment. It is not consistent
with our national security. I urge my colleagues to reject this
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate those comments.
However, only in Washington by this majority party can a cut be an
actual increase of $2.56 billion. Adopting this amendment would result
in an increase of $2.56 billion. It is just a decrease in the slope of
the increase.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good friend from
Texas (Mr. Hensarling).
Mr. HENSARLING. I thank the gentleman from Georgia for yielding and I
thank him for his leadership.
Again, how amazing. What an amazing place this is, when you are
debating whether or not you are going to increase something called
Foreign Operations 9.5 percent versus 8.5 percent growth, and somehow
that is called a cut. Only in Washington, D.C. can you call an 8.5
percent increase a cut.
Now, the only thing that I see that is being cut is the family budget
of hard
[[Page H6932]]
working American families as our friends on the other side of the aisle
want to enact the single largest tax increase in American history. The
average family in America, when this tax increase plan is complete,
will have to pay an extra $3,000 a year in taxes. Mr. Chairman, that is
a cut.
Mr. Chairman, somehow I have heard that this amendment, the gentleman
from Georgia is irresponsible for offering such an amendment. People
who work hard for their paychecks in America would be lucky to have an
8.5 percent increase.
We are dealing with Foreign Operations here. Maybe we ought to be
thinking about family budget operations. Already the Federal Government
is spending $23,289 per American family. Our friends on the other side
of the aisle now, as we are debating this appropriation bill, have a
plan to spend an extra $23 billion in non-defense discretionary, on top
of the $6 billion in the omnibus, on top of the $17 billion in the war
supplemental, all to be paid for by the single largest tax increase in
history. And it is irresponsible to only increase Foreign Operations
8.5 percent?
Let's protect the family budget from the Federal budget and support
this amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. I
rise in strong support of this bill and in opposition to this
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, it is very important the Record be clear about this
endless rhetoric about tax increases. Here are the facts: The budget
resolution that was adopted by the House does not raise taxes in this
fiscal year or the next on anyone.
When the tax cuts that the erstwhile majority enacted expire at the
end of 2009, our budget resolution calls for us to look at the state of
the economy, the state of the budget and the state of the situation,
and, unlike the erstwhile majority, make a choice as to what to do.
There is no tax increase in this fiscal year or the next one.
What there is in this amendment is a strange sense of
irresponsibility, that in a world where we are threatened by all kinds
of threats and difficult problems, in a budget that is going to spend
less than 1.5 percent out of every dollar we spend in improving our
relations with countries around the world, that we have an
irresponsible proposal like this.
There is no tax increase this year. This amendment should be
defeated.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes
to my good friend from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett).
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, here we are tonight, 6 months under control of the
Democrat majority, and what has that majority wrought? The largest tax
increase in U.S. history, an attempt in the past to change the rules of
the House that have been in place since the times of Jefferson. And, of
course, last week we saw the creation or attempted creation of slush
funds to conceal where they wish to spend their increase of dollars.
The gentleman from New Jersey who just spoke a moment ago said, quite
candidly, that there is no tax increase this year or next year. What he
didn't finish in his statement, of course, was, Mr. Chairman, that
there will be a tax increase within the budget cycle that is before us.
And these are not just my words, Mr. Chairman. I quote from the New
York Times, who has looked at the budget that the Democrats have given
us, and they have looked at that budget increase and the spending
increase, and they too have said and agree with us that there is a tax
increase coming on the American public and they even gave us numbers.
If you are an average family in the State of New Jersey, a family of
four making $70,000, you will see a tax increase of upwards to $1,500
on you because of the budget of Democrats who are now in charge.
In the bill before us, I come to the floor right now to commend the
gentleman for his modest proposal to simply reduce the increase by the
Democrats of 1 percent, a mere, in terms of Washington, $342 million.
Mr. Chairman, we are still looking at an increase in spending for
foreign aid of almost 10 percent, around an 8.5 percent increase for
foreign aid. Quite honestly, when I go back to my districts and talk to
my constituents, their interest is in their families here at home, in
Sussex County, Bergen County, Passaic County and Warren County in the
good State of New Jersey. They are asking, why are we increasing to
such a dramatic extent for all this money on foreign aid when we have
problems right here at home?
Mr. Chairman, how many times have you heard from the other side of
the aisle when they rail against spending for our brave men and women
overseas on our military aid, when they say we should be spending those
dollars here at home? We concur when it comes to foreign aid, we should
direct those funds here at home.
I support the gentleman's amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Jackson) to shed some light on the misinformation that we have been
hearing this evening about tax increases.
It seems to me, Mr. Jackson, that we have this huge deficit that has
been brought about by the Republican majority in the past 10 years, at
least. Would you like to comment on it for 3 minutes?
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
While talking about how we arrived at this deficit for new Members
who are joining the body can be long and drawn out, but the number of
tax decreases that we have voted on in this Congress under their
leadership which greatly contributed to the enormous deficit that we
presently confront, it would require several hours of discussion and
probably pull some scabs off of some wounds that aren't worthy of
discussion.
I do want to talk about the implications, however, of this particular
cut on this bill.
This bill is already $700 million beneath the President's request.
The last I checked, the President of the United States is not from the
majority party. The President of the United States is from the minority
party. He is already suggesting that the bill itself is beneath the
funding levels that he is requesting for the national security of the
United States.
But don't believe me. Believe the ranking member of the committee,
Mr. Wolf, who said last night that he believes this is a good bill,
that this bill has the potential to do a lot of good.
I quote him: ``And I want to say that this bill will help save a lot
of lives, not only here but around the world. This is the work of the
Lord. And I know Members are going to come down here, and here they
come, and they are going to be against this bill. And I hope that we
can change some of the things to prevent a veto. But this bill
eventually, when it passes,'' as the ranking member said, ``assuming it
will be vetoed, is really about feeding the poor, about the hungry, the
naked and the sick. Almost a better title would be the Matthew 25 bill.
So it is has the potential to do a lot of good, and I hope to work with
Chairwoman Lowey to ensure that the State Department has what it needs
to do these things, the war on terror, to provide humanitarian
assistance to the most needy, and to improve human rights around the
world.''
And the gentleman offers a cut to the ranking member's acknowledgment
of how important this product is.
So, Mr. Chairman, if this is the Matthew 25 bill, according to
Matthew 25, which I repeated earlier, and these gentleman who obviously
have come down here at the 11th hour to message on this bill, they
missed this part of the statement when I read it earlier, but I will be
happy to read it again:
Then the king will say to those on the right: ``Come you who are
blessed by my father. Take your inheritance, the kingdom prepared for
you since the creation of the world. For I was hungry and you gave me
something to eat. I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink. I
was a stranger and you invited me in. I needed clothes and you clothed
me. I was sick and you looked after me. I was in prison and you came to
visit me.''
Then the righteous will answer him: ``Lord, when did we see you
hungry and
[[Page H6933]]
feed you? Or thirsty and give you something to drink? When did we see
you a stranger and invite you in? Or needing clothes to clothe you?
When did we see you sick or in prison go to visit you?''
The king will reply: ``I tell you, whatever you have done for the
least of these, my brethren, you have done it unto me.''
Reject the gentleman's amendment. The gentleman's amendment goes to
the heart of this bill, which is designed to feed the hungry, clothe
the naked and liberate the captive.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I had not wanted to take any more time this evening,
but I was in my office and I heard several silly suggestions that
somehow bills like this are going to seriously add to the deficit and
require a tax increase and all of that other frothy nonsense.
I would simply like to quote from a document by the Center on Budget
and Policy Priorities, one of the most respected organizations in this
country in terms of keeping everybody honest about budget facts. This
is what they said in a report issued today:
``The main dispute between the administration and Congress is over a
$21 billion difference in domestic appropriations. The administration
proposes to cut these programs $16 billion below the 2000 levels after
adjusting for inflation and threatens to veto bills that do not contain
these cuts. Congress would reject these cuts and instead provide a
modest increase to these programs of $5 billion or 1.4 percent.''
The report then goes on to say the following: ``Some 81 percent of
the increases in appropriations under the emerging bills consist of
increases for military and homeland security programs that the
President himself requested. Less than one-tenth, or $5 billion of the
funding increases reflected in the congressional targets for the 2008
appropriation bills, are for increases for eight domestic
appropriations bills.''
Then it goes on to say, ``Under the planned appropriations, those
bills would increase a modest 1.4 percent above the Congressional
Budget Office baseline.''
Then, get this: ``In real per capita terms, that is, after adjustment
for both inflation and population growth, funding for these programs
would barely increase at all.''
And as for the nonsense that somehow these bills will require a tax
increase or add to the deficit, the report goes on to say, ``As a share
of the economy, funding for these programs would actually edge down
slightly.'' Then it points out also that the increases in these bills
rise more slowly than the expected increase in revenues.
What that means, for anybody who has been through second-grade math,
is that you cannot add to the deficit, if that is the case, unless you
decide to pass further tax cuts paid for with borrowed money, as the
former majority so blithely did over the past 5 years.
I would also say one other thing. It is easy for any citizen and any
Member to demagogue foreign aid. I chaired that subcommittee for 10
years. And let me tell you, there is no piece of legislation that this
Congress passes each year that saves the lives of more children than
this bill. If you take a look at what we do for children's health, if
you take a look at what we do through immunizations and these other
programs, there is no program that we pass that saves the lives of more
children.
We spent a lot of time talking about the right to life today. Well,
this bill is a whole lot more effective than lectures from politicians
about celibacy or any other matter. This bill actually delivers the
goods in terms of the practical things we can do to help our fellow
creatures on this planet.
I want to say one other thing. My religious values teach me that we
are not Americans because of any special merit that we have. We were
just lucky enough that God decided to infuse our soul in a body born in
the USA. He could just as easily have made us a child born in
Bangladesh, Sudan, or any of the other most troublesome spots in the
world, the most agonized spots in the world.
{time} 2130
Any idiot can put together an across-the-board cut. All that means is
that you don't think. This is supposed to be not the mandatory part of
the budget, but the discretionary part of the budget. It means you are
supposed to think and apply your values to what you do. That is what
this bill does, and I urge you to reject these amendments.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I would just ask a parliamentary
inquiry of the Chair, if the Chair might opine as to words that might
offend and be inappropriate to the decorum of the House being spoken,
and the Chair might want to admonish individuals to refrain from making
those kind of statements.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Chair would remind all Members to refrain
from any disparaging remarks of a personal character against another
Member.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. And I thank the Chair for that.
Mr. OBEY. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I think you are able to get time on your side.
I don't believe I have time to spare.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Georgia controls the time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I do appreciate the chairman's passion and also appreciate his
reference to ``frothy nonsense.'' I would suggest that frothy nonsense
in my district and across this Nation comes due in the form of a tax
bill when we increase spending across this Nation and that my
constituents, and I suspect constituents around this Nation, would
prefer that we decrease the frothy nonsense going on here in
Washington.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn).
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Chairman, this is quite a debate that we are
having tonight, and I appreciate the vigor and the energy that
colleagues on both sides are bringing to this debate.
Mr. Chairman, I do have to stand and really oppose some of the things
that are being said here. How interesting it is that we are hearing
spending reductions called irresponsible, that we are hearing that it
is jeopardizing our foreign operations, that it is devastating.
You know, what we may want to do is reframe this debate. I want to
commend the gentleman from Georgia for trying to make a 1 percent
reduction.
Now we heard this referred to as the Matthew 25 bill. Maybe we should
make it the Genesis 1:1 bill and go back and look at the beginning and
talk about how did we get where we are today.
They want to talk about deficits. Well, it is historically what my
colleagues on the left have done to grow a huge bureaucracy that
continues to need to be fed and programs that grow and grow and grow.
Now one of the things that we have heard is that we are going to have
to fix this now. My colleagues only want to talk about today, yesterday
or the day before. They don't want to go back and talk about previous
administrations where we have piled on, we have piled on, we have piled
on, and now we want to grow this budget 9\1/2\ percent. We want to pay
for it with the largest tax increase in history.
I would offer to my friends that, yes, indeed, let's go back and make
it a Genesis 1:1 bill and look at the very beginning. You tax too much;
you spend too much. And it is right that we would choose to find a 1
percent reduction. What we are irresponsible to is the American
taxpayer who is sick and tired. They are truly ill and fatigued when it
comes to paying more and more of their budget.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairwoman.
I just cannot let this go. Pile on and pile on and pile on? Let me
tell you what has been piled on, $3 trillion in debt, piled on by the
other side.
Growing government? The other side was in charge for the past many
years. Their party ran the White House, the Senate and the House of
Representatives; and they piled on $3 trillion of debt.
And now we hear the unmitigated audacity of suggesting that we are
the problem. Mr. Chairman, we are not the problem. We are trying to
solve the problem.
And I would say with all due respect to the gentlewoman and to those
on
[[Page H6934]]
the other side who believe that this foreign operations bill is too
expensive, is the gentlewoman advocating cutting by 1 percent foreign
military financing or international military education and training? Is
the gentlewoman suggesting to her constituents that we should slash
budgets to professionalize other militaries to assist us in the global
war on terror, to make sure that they have the technology and the
equipment to help win the global war on terror?
Because if you are suggesting a 1 percent cut or 2 percent cut or 3
percent cut in this bill, you are suggesting a cut in our national
security. You are suggesting reducing the amount of military
assistance, education, and foreign military sales that we are providing
to our allies around the world.
Mr. Chairman, they are costing their own congressional districts
jobs, defense contractors who are part of this Nation's defense. We
will lose revenues because of these cuts to foreign military financing.
This is not just a foreign operations bill. This is a national
security bill. It is a homeland security bill. They go hand in hand,
and we should not be advocating slicing off one of those hands while we
are fighting a global war on terror surrounded by threats.
We Democrats believe that we need a robust ability to meet that
threat, not cut defense budgets as the other side is suggesting.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. WOLF. I yield to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn)
to finish her speech.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. Chairman, as I said, what an incredibly wonderful debate we are
having. It is a philosophical debate. Government is not the answer.
Government many times is the problem. More spending is not the answer.
It is priorities and where you choose to put that money. That is where
you find your answers in this.
Now one of the things that we are saying is make a reduction. My
goodness, look at the States. Many of our States have made across-the-
board reductions. You know what? Across-the-board reductions work.
My State of Tennessee, oh, my goodness, we were going to have to have
an income tax. Oh, my goodness, they were going to shut down every
program in the State, had to have it, had to raise taxes. You know
what? We defeated that income tax, Mr. Chairman. The people of our
State said, no, we have had it. We are not putting another penny into
the State treasury.
Now what we see is a, believe it or not, Democrat Governor who came
in and took what we Republicans had said and made across-the-board
cuts. Not 1 percent. Not 2. Not 5 percent. 9\1/2\ percent. 9\1/2\
percent. And I would encourage my colleagues to know that greater
efficiencies were there, that they now have record surpluses.
One of the things that we have to realize, the American taxpayer is
tired of sending money to Washington and see it go into a bureaucracy
and know that they are not seeing the results that they get.
Mr. Chairman, maybe it is because I have the old Davy Crockett
district. I know that what you have to do is be very careful with the
money that you have to spend. You have to make priorities.
And yes, indeed, national security is a priority. We know that. We
know that border security is a priority. We know that. But what we have
to realize is we have to be a good steward of the taxpayer dollar.
Maybe it is time for the bureaucracy to start to tighten its belt.
Maybe it is time for the bureaucracy to realize it cannot grow. Maybe
it is time for the bureaucracy to realize we need to be responsible to
the taxpayer and reduce what we are spending at the Federal level. They
are tired of paying for the largest tax increase in history. They know
that government spends too much. They know that this budget is bigger
than it ought to be, and they don't like it, and we are hearing about
it.
What my colleagues and I are saying is, you know what, let's find
some ways to make some reductions. Let's make certain that we are good
stewards of every dollar that comes our way.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Georgia has 1 minute
remaining.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield that minute to my good
friend from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the learned
orthopedic surgeon from Georgia for yielding me this time.
I want to say something to the chairman of the Appropriations
Committee. When he was talking about an idiot can offer a 1 percent cut
amendment, I certainly hope he wasn't talking about my good friend from
Georgia.
Now if you want to talk about fuzzy math and idiots, we can do that
here tonight. Because this bill increases the spending 9\1/2\ percent.
What the learned surgeon's amendment does is cut that by 1 percent.
Now you can say this isn't going to cause a tax increase, you can say
it is not going to cost people more money, you can say anything you
want to, but the people of this country are smarter than that because
they know every day that if they spend more money it is going to cost
somebody at some point.
So they can say anything they want to. They can talk about all of the
fuzzy math, whether it is going to be a tax increase or not a tax
increase. But when you spend 10 percent more money, somebody is going
to pay for it.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) has
already exercised the prerogative of striking the requisite number of
words and was recognized for 5 minutes in that regard.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that each
side be granted an additional minute.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Georgia?
There was no objection.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Boehner).
Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, let me thank my colleague for yielding.
We are having a debate here about whether we should cut spending.
Most American families go through a process of trying to decide what it
is they can afford in their family budget. The American people send us
here to make the same kind of decisions. But when we just add spending
and add spending and add spending, which we have done all year, guess
what, we don't have to make decisions.
That is exactly what is happening here. The majority wants to
denigrate this amendment because they think it is frivolous. They think
it is an across-the-board 1 percent cut; you don't have to think.
The point I am trying to make and my colleagues are trying to make,
we are sent here to make decisions; and if the majority isn't going to
make decisions, we are going to try to make the decisions easier. Let's
just have a 1 percent across-the-board cut, bring this budget in line
with what the President requested on behalf of the American people.
I have been hearing all year from my friends on the other side that
we heard the electorate and we heard the message they sent to us. Well,
I have to tell you that one of the messages they sent to us is that we
here in Congress need to be more fiscally responsible.
We are going to have a debate over spending all summer. We are going
to have a debate over spending all fall. Because, at some point, how
much government do we need? How much of the American family budget to
we need to take in taxes?
I think my colleague has a very good amendment here. I urge my
colleagues to support the gentleman's amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, talk about crocodile tears. This bill is $700
million below the amount requested by the President of the United
States. The other side cries about the fact that it is $2.9 billion
over last year, and they say this is the baby that is going to break
the bank.
[[Page H6935]]
This is the same crowd that has supported over $600 billion, all
borrowed money, to pay for the most misguided, misbegotten, destructive
war in the modern history of the United States, all paid for with
borrowed money.
{time} 2145
I didn't hear any cries about fiscal responsibility then. No, no, no.
They spent it blindly, and now they are saying that this bill, which is
really an attempt to clean up a lot of the world's messes left over
from past wars, that somehow this bill is the one that broke the bank.
That is so silly, I would laugh if it wasn't so serious.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. LOWEY. I am pleased to yield to the majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentlelady for yielding and I congratulate her
for the work she has done.
First of all, this bill is $700 million below what the Republican
President asked us to spend. All of this stuff about how we're the big
spenders, when this bill is $700 million less than President Bush asked
us to spend. Number one.
I have been in this House for 26 years. Eighteen of those years we
have had Republican Presidents. During those 18 years, we have run up
$4.5 trillion of deficit spending. One person in America can stop
spending: a President. During those 26 years, a veto of a President
that was vetoed because we spent too much money has never been
overridden. Not once. $4.5 trillion of deficit spending under Ronald
Reagan, George Bush I, and 6 years of George Bush II.
Now, Bill Clinton was President for 8 years during those 26 years
that I have served. And we ended up with a $62.5 billion surplus in
those 8 years. And perhaps if you come to this floor and say it enough,
the big lie said over and over and over and over again, just like Frank
Luntz wrote it for you, maybe the American public will believe it.
Isn't it a shame, however, that Frank Luntz can't fix the figures in
your budget document.
You have been in control, of course, for the last 6 years of
everything. And guess what happened? We doubled the rate of spending
from the Clinton administration to the last 6 years. Doubled it. And
we, I can't know what the geometric figure is in terms of escalating
the debt and going from a $5.6 trillion surplus which George Bush,
President of the United States, said Bill Clinton left him, and you
turned that into a $3 trillion deficit in 72 months. I daresay nobody
in the history of the world has done that. Nobody in the history of the
world has been that fiscally irresponsible. And for the large part you
did it without a single Democratic vote. And you didn't need us to
vote, because you were in control of everything.
And I sit there and listen to this, and I won't characterize it as my
chairman characterized it, although I can't say that I come here and
disagree with my chairman, but I won't characterize it. But honesty at
some point in time has a virtue. You ought to try it. Just for a little
bit.
Point of Order
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, point of order.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. For what purpose does the gentleman from Georgia
rise?
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Are comments not supposed to be addressed to
the Chair?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Members are reminded that their remarks shall be
addressed to the Chair.
The gentleman from Maryland is recognized.
Mr. HOYER. My remarks are always addressed to the Chair, in case you
need interpretation. Just assume that I am addressing the Chair.
Now, if any of my friends when they hear about me talking about
irresponsibility would take that personally, understand that it is
meant simply to be addressed to the Chair.
But if the shoe fits, put it on.
My friends, you have been a part for the last 6 years of the most
fiscally irresponsible leadership in our history. The facts speak to
that. Your budget book speaks to that. And what did you do, this family
budget leadership group that we hear talking about? They jettisoned,
they abandoned, they eliminated PAYGO provision which, by the way, was
adopted in a bipartisan fashion in 1997 after we adopted it in 1990 in
a bipartisan fashion. But you said, no, we can't live within PAYGO.
That's too tight for us. Families might have to live in that, but we
can't live in it.
So what did you do? You simply eliminated PAYGO. Well, we've
reinstituted PAYGO, and our budget reaches balance. And we don't raise
taxes. You like to say we raise taxes because, after all, Frank Luntz
told you, Just say they're raising taxes. Doesn't matter whether it's
true. The American public will believe it.
Ladies and gentlemen, this debate is designed to mislead the American
public, because they don't read the budgets and the fine print. They
perhaps do not remember that in 18 years, Republicans ran up $4.5
trillion of deficit spending while under Bill Clinton's administration
we created a $62.5 billion net surplus with 4 years of surplus, the
first time that has happened in the lifetime of anybody in this
Chamber.
So I say to my friends that we can debate the substance of this bill,
which is $700 million less than your President asked us to spend. The
gentlewoman from New York has brought a responsible bill to this floor.
The problem with these across-the-board cuts and what Mr. Obey really
meant, Mr. Chairman, is that it is simple to say cut across the board,
because you don't have to make any decisions. You don't have to defend
any premise. You just have to say cut 1 percent. And as was pointed out
earlier by Mr. Israel, does that mean 1 percent in defense spending?
Does that mean 1 percent in military financing? Where they purchase, by
the way, weapons from the United States of America. Does it mean a 1
percent cut in salaries or administration of critical programs that
might be small programs? You don't have to decide. It's so simple. One
percent. Won't hurt anybody. Fine. Then say where you want to cut.
I was an appropriator for 25 years and I don't like the across-the-
board cuts because they are simplistic, imprecise, and cut the good
with the bad. May there be bad in this bill? There may be. Offer an
amendment to cut the bad and let's debate that, whether it's good or
bad.
So, my friends, don't talk to me about fiscal responsibility. I've
been here too long and I know too many of the facts. You cannot fool
me. You can fool some of the people some of the time. You didn't fool
them last November. And I don't think you're going to fool them in the
future.
This is a responsible bill. If you don't like some portions of it,
we've had 50-plus amendments for you to strike certain portions of it.
But don't come to the floor and pontificate on fiscal responsibility.
And, by the way, my friend, the government today is larger than the
government when you inherited it.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will
be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Musgrave
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mrs. Musgrave:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
ACROSS-THE-BOARD REDUCTION
Sec. __. Each amount appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act (other than for assistance for Israel)
that is not required to be appropriated or otherwise made
available by a provision of law is hereby reduced by 0.5
percent.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave) and the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Colorado.
[[Page H6936]]
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, this debate has gotten very interesting.
There are some of us in the Chamber, Mr. Chairman, that have been
concerned about fiscal discipline for a long time. We have been called
things like budget hawks. Mr. Chairman, we were willing to take on our
own party on that issue and we were also willing to take on our
colleagues on the other side of the aisle, because, Mr. Chairman, when
I think about this debate tonight and I think about the national debt
being over $8.8 trillion, you know, I would have to think that there
are people around this Nation tonight watching this debate and
wondering why in the world Congress, and there have been many mistakes
in the past, why Congress can't get serious about the way we spend
taxpayers' dollars.
My amendment would offer an across-the-board cut. And I know that has
been criticized by my friends on the other side of the aisle, but, you
know, sometimes an across-the-board cut makes a lot of sense. And I am
interested to think about spending levels where we cannot cut 50 cents
out of each $100 that we spend.
I offered an amendment that was not accepted in the unanimous consent
agreement that would have highlighted one of the more egregious forms
of waste and abuse of the funding in this bill, and this was an article
in the Boston Globe that I read, and they broke a story last February
about the former executive director of the Global Fund and how he used
Global Fund dollars. I want to tell you what the Global Fund is
supposed to do. It's an organization that is supposed to combat global
diseases like AIDS and malaria and tuberculosis.
Let me tell you how he spent our American tax dollars. He spent
between $91 and $930 a day for limousines in London and Paris and
Washington and San Francisco, averaging almost $400 a day for
limousines. He spent $1,695 for a dinner for 12 at the United States
Senate Dining Room here at the Capitol. Then he spent $8,780 for a boat
cruise on Lake Geneva in Switzerland; $8,436 for a dinner in Davos,
Switzerland; and then they had champagne and expensive meals. I wonder
if the American taxpayer thinks that this is frivolous nonsense. You
know they do. They would be outraged to think that they get up, go to
work every day, work for their children, work to pay for their home,
work to buy the college education for those kids that they dream of,
and people are spending their tax dollars like this.
You know, I think an across-the-board cut sounds great. I would like
a larger one, but I'm asking for a modest half of 1 percent, 50 cents
out of $100. You know, when you look at your children and you look at
your grandchildren, Mr. Chairman, and you think about that debt, and I
don't care who you want to blame it on, Republicans, Democrats,
Republican Presidents, Democrat President, we at this time in history
have an opportunity to be responsible with the American taxpayers'
dollars and cut this increase in this budget from 9.5 percent to 9.
I ask my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, we have expressed our real concerns about
these cuts and I strongly oppose this amendment.
In addition to the cuts that have been mentioned by my colleagues, I
wonder if my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, the gentlewoman
from Colorado in particular, really understands the impact of this
across-the-board cut.
First of all, this bill has already been cut 2 percent from the
President's request. Two percent. Now you are recommending another half
percent.
You support a $120 million cut for Israel, Mrs. Musgrave? You support
a $120 million cut in aid for our ally Israel? You support a $250
million cut for HIV/AIDS?
{time} 2200
You support $200 million for foreign military financing; and my
colleague, Mr. Israel, talked about the impact on the military that
these cuts would cause.
My colleagues, this is a bill that is in the national security
interest of the United States of America. We have heard many people on
the other side of the aisle that we have to fight it over there. We
don't want to fight it over here.
Well, when you are funding HIV/AIDS, when you are preventing avian
flu, when you are funding our colleagues in the war on terror, we are
fighting it over there rather than fighting it over here.
I strongly, strongly, would not support the cuts which you are
recommending. I strongly oppose them.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to correct a statement I
made. I referred to a cut.
My amendment would take a 9.5 percent increase in funding in this
bill over the last one to a 9 percent increase.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Indiana.
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlelady for yielding and for
bringing this creative amendment to the floor.
While I address the Chair, let me also acknowledge there may be
others looking in. I want to be very clear on the point that what we
are asking here is for this foreign operations budget to get by on only
a 9 percent increase instead of a 9.5 percent increase.
Back in Indiana, we just call this a haircut. But it is a haircut, as
the gentlelady from Colorado said, that is a reduction of the increase.
As I listened to the distinguished majority leader, who I enjoy and
admire more than anyone else in this Chamber, he said if the shoe fits,
wear it.
I understand the frustration of looking across the aisle and seeing
many of my colleagues in my party who voted for an awful lot of
government programs over the last 6 years complaining about government
spending, but then there is another saying that says if it does not
fit, you must acquit.
I would offer that for many of us asking for this very small haircut
tonight, it does not fit us. We fought these budget increases. We
fought the creation of new entitlements. Now we are coming before this
majority in a spirit of collegiality and asking might we not do with
$171 million less. Might we not do with just, instead of a 9.5 percent
increase, how about a 9 percent increase.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, may I ask you the time remaining on both
sides?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from New York has 8 minutes remaining;
the gentlewoman from Colorado has 5 minutes remaining.
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Illinois
(Mr. Emanuel).
Mr. EMANUEL. I would like to thank my colleague from New York and
also my colleague from Indiana.
Mr. Chairman, you know, it's interesting to have that discussion
about what is a haircut. At this very time this would lead, if I am not
mistaken, this actual amendment would lead to about a $150 million cut
to assistance in Israel. At no time is there a more precarious moment
in Israel's history since the founding of the State of Israel, since
you have now a war in Lebanon that is affecting the security of the
State of Israel. You have the Gaza strip, which has been turned over to
Hamas, an enemy of the United States. There is no time that is a more
precarious moment in Israel's security.
You have what's going on in Lebanon on its northern side. You have
what's going on in Iraq, Jordan, dealing with over 1 million Iraqi
refugees; Gaza being taken over by Hamas, which is committed to
Israel's destruction.
And what do our Republican colleagues recommend? A cut in assistance
to the only democracy in the Middle East that is facing its most
serious threat on its northern border, its southern border and, in
fact, what's going on to its near eastern border. This is a precarious
moment in Israel security.
I do believe there can be cuts. I find every time we want to cut
assistance to big oil companies, you guys can't find the will. But when
it comes to cutting assistance to Israel, you find the will to do that.
When it comes to cutting assistance, when it realizes with our military
commitment to our allies
[[Page H6937]]
around the world, you know what, since everybody wants to make a quote,
talk is cheap. Talk is cheap when it comes to standing next to your
allies. We must put our resources to the only democracy in the Middle
East.
This would directly affect Israel. It would directly affect Egypt. It
would directly affect the countries we rely on as the bulwark against
the spread of terrorism in the Middle East.
I would hope you understand. I see the politics. I know a little bit
about politics. I see the politics in a simple half-percent cut. It
happens to be politics at the expense of our allies who are on the
front line in the fight against terrorism.
I would think better of you, of what you have always said
rhetorically on the floor about your commitment to democracies in the
Mideast.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make it perfectly clear
that if you had read the amendment you would see that no assistance to
Israel is cut. We have common enemies, we have common values, and I am
a strong supporter of Israel.
If the gentleman who just made the remarks would look at the
amendment, he would see there are no cuts to Israel.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Culberson).
Mr. CULBERSON. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlelady for
offering this amendment, which is offered as one of a series of
amendments put forward by the fiscal conservatives in this House in a
modest effort to try to restrain spending when the new majority has
adopted a budget that assumes the largest tax increase in history by
assuming that the Bush tax cuts are going to go away.
On the contrary, the President's budget, which we are trying to stay
within, assumes that those tax cuts are going to stay in place.
So it's important, Mr. Chairman, for everyone listening to know that
these cuts, which we are offering in spending, which are very modest,
can also be seen as tax cuts. Every dollar we save in this
appropriations process is a dollar that will not be spent in the
future, which the Democrats assume in their budget is going to come
from the repeal of the Bush tax cuts.
So I applaud the gentlewoman from Colorado for offering this
amendment, and it's important to remember, also, as we go through this
debate, that all of the Members who are offering these amendments voted
against most of those big spending increases over these last many
years. I, for one, got re-elected because I voted against most of those
big new entitlements and spending increases.
I know that the gentlewoman from Colorado, the gentleman from
Georgia, my colleague from Georgia, my colleague from Indiana joined
me, along with many other members of the Republican Study Committee, in
voting against those big spending increases. So the shoe indeed does
not fit these conservative Members.
We are proud to stand up here to try to do our best, one brick at a
time, to control the out-of-control spending by Congress and to prevent
the biggest tax increase in American history.
Mrs. LOWEY. I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).
Mr. FARR. Thank you for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to put a little bit of a face on this across-
the-board cut, squeeze and trim, the sort of idiotic approach to
spending here in this United States government, particularly in this
budget.
We happen to have a global war of terrorism going on. In that global
war, there are a lot of people that don't like the United States.
But there is a program that the United States has that they very much
like. They like it because countries are asking at an all-time high,
send us more; we want more. More countries signing up wanting more
people.
What is that program? It's the Peace Corps. And guess what? It's
funded in this program.
You know what? The American public out there wants to join the Peace
Corps at an all-time high. No, it doesn't matter. Just cut the program.
Cut the program. Don't separate the good from the bad. Just cut it.
Well, this is why it's also idiotic. Because, as you have heard, this
program funds an international military education program.
A few months ago at this roster, we had a Joint Session of Congress;
and giving that address was King Abdullah of Jordan. Guess where King
Abdullah found his love for the United States? Studying at the Naval
postgraduate school in Monterey, California, where 500 foreign officers
come and study along with our officers every year.
But, no, that doesn't count. We want to work on trying to get mutual
understanding to our allies. Cut that program. Cut it across the board.
Ladies and gentlemen, we have heard from a lot of cut, squeeze and
trim fiscal conservatives on the other side of the aisle tonight. I
would hope that their hometown press is looking whether they, example
of leadership, are cutting their own budgets from what they have spent
last year. If they have done that in their own offices, cut their own
spending, then they have a leg to stand on. But to come up here and
tell everybody else we ought to cut across the board foreign aid is a
danger to Americans all over the world.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from Colorado has 3 minutes remaining,
and the gentlewoman from New York has 4 minutes remaining.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey, a member of the subcommittee, Mr. Rothman.
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Chairman, what would my Republican friends have said
if the Democrats had offered to cut the President's requested spending
on foreign affairs by $700 million last year when they were in the
majority? They would have said that the Democrats were irresponsible.
This year, now that the Democrats are in the majority, we are
proposing to cut $700 million from President Bush's request for
spending on foreign aid. The Democrats, to cut $700 million from
President Bush's request for spending, and that's what we are
proposing.
But my Republican friends, who were in the majority all those years
rubber-stamping the out-of-control Bush budgets every single year,
rubber-stamping those budgets, they say that this year, when the
Democrats want to reduce President Bush's spending on foreign aid
versus his request by $700 million, should be doing it another $170
million more if we Democrats were really serious.
I think people can see through that as the political argument that it
is, the partisan attack when there is nothing else going for you.
Because, after all, this is the same group that says there is going
to be a tax increase under the Democratic majority this year. They say
it over and over again.
But, of course, that's not true. So why would someone keep repeating
something, attacks on the Democrats, saying we are raising taxes this
year, when it's not true? Why would the Republicans continue to say
that time and time again?
Well, you would have to say, well, they must not have much else to
talk about, other than to make up something that's not true.
Well, how about this for values, my friends? They talk about values.
The Democrats' proposal on foreign aid will fund training of foreign
troops to help us fight the war on terror, aid our allies like Israel,
fighting HIV/AIDS all over the world and feeding the hungry all over
the world. And they say we cut $700 million from the President's
request, we should cut even more if we are responsible, when they
rubber-stamped their President's high budgets before.
They are criticizing $170 million in spending, which we think is
essential. They are spending $50 billion, not $170 million, they are
spending $50 billion on tax cuts for Americans with incomes of $1
million a year. Americans with $1 million a year get $150 billion in
tax cuts. I think the values are wrong on the other side.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my friend from
Texas (Mr. Conaway).
Mr. CONAWAY. I thank the gentlelady from Colorado.
Mr. Chairman, the other side has been very good tonight, as they are
[[Page H6938]]
most every night since they have been in the majority of retelling and
retelling over and over the sins of the past.
Quite frankly, those sins are hard to deny, given the empirical
evidence is there. We have spent a lot of money and raised the size of
this government.
That being said, though, my colleagues' arguments seem to rest on the
premise that, because the Republicans were spending more and screwing
this thing up, that somehow this gives the Democrats, gives them some
license to continue that process, to continue building on this growing
government and spending more money in fiscal 2008 than we will bring
in.
Now, we have heard some arguments that this is not deficit spending,
but, quite frankly, there will be more money spent under this budget in
2008 than we will take in. In the simplest form, that is a deficit.
I am not, personally, a big fan of across-the-board cuts. I agree
with some of the arguments said on the other side that it's mechanical,
but, quite frankly, we need to start somewhere on the path to fiscal
responsibility, and this is a modest start down that path.
I urge support for that amendment.
{time} 2215
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I think that we're all beginning to figure
this out now. When this original amendment was offered, it was
advertised as a cut to the foreign assistance budget, despite the fact
that Democrats already cut the foreign assistance budget.
Then we were told, oh, except it doesn't really include Israel. We're
exempting Israel.
Then we were told, oh, it's Israel, and also, any appropriations that
are not required to be appropriated or otherwise made available by a
provision of law.
And so we start off with a cut, and then we say, well, not really a
cut. We're going to void this and ignore that and sequester this and
sequester that.
We're down to Secretary of State licensed chauffeur, my colleagues.
That's what we're down to. We're down to the linens at state dinners.
If you want to do a cut, do a cut. If my colleagues want to do a cut,
do a cut. But don't try and fool the American people.
All we've heard from the other side is we have to ferret out waste,
fraud and abuse, except we can't exactly find it, so we'll let you
figure out.
Well, the American people have figured it out. You said you don't
want to hurt national security, and yet this is a cut to foreign
military financing.
You've said you want to win the global war on terror, and yet this is
a cut to international military education and training.
You've said you want to cut, but not here, there, or anywhere else.
As our distinguished majority leader said previously, the truth is
important, and it ought to be tried every once in a while.
What we have heard over the past several minutes is nothing but a
hoax on the American people, and they're not going to fall for it.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, some people would not call it a hoax if
we save 50 cents on every $100 dollars that we spend, that the
hardworking taxpayers of this country have provided for us.
I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my friend from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I love coming down and listening to the majority
leader when he comes down. You know, I was a real estate salesman. I
felt like I was a pretty good real estate salesman. And a good salesman
loves to hear another salesman. And I think the majority leader could
sell an Eskimo ice cubes.
But let me say this. He made a statement that the Republicans did not
fool the people in November. We didn't. Y'all did. And I think the joke
is up. I think the gig is up. I think the foolish is up, because now
the ratings of this Congress are at 13 percent, which is about half of
what they were when the Republicans in charge.
So you're right. You can fool some of the people some of the time,
but you can't fool all the people all the time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. I would like to recognize the ranking member.
Mr. LEWIS of California. I thank the gentlelady for yielding. And I
would like to recognize, if I can, Roy Blunt for whatever time he may
consume. And I will ask to strike the last word to do so.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. LEWIS of California. I'd like to yield to my colleague, Mr.
Blunt.
Mr. BLUNT. I thank the gentleman for yielding. And this is a good
debate. It's a little more spirited at moments than I think it could
be. In fact, I didn't mean to speak again on this until I heard the
second-grade math explanation from my good friend, Mr. Obey. And I did
pretty good in second-grade math. I even did fairly good in 12-grade
math. And I did okay in college math. But second-grade math was a
little bit of a stretch, I thought, because I tried to follow the
second-grade math outline we had on why this was actually, according to
some group, a cut in spending.
According to my friend, Mr. Obey, if I heard this right, if you took
inflation, and then you took the population growth of the world, I
thought that was an interesting element to the equation, and then if
you took the deficit as a percentage of the economy, that that actually
might be a cut.
This spending is 9\1/2\ percent over last year's spending. I've never
seen the President's numbers so praised by our friends on the other
side as it's been tonight. It may be the only time that the President
had either a perfect number or a number that was just slightly too
high.
In fact, I understand this is $700 million less than the President's
number. That's a lot of money. But it's not as much money as the $2.6
billion this is over last year's spending. That's a lot more money.
Now, this is a 9\1/2\ percent increase. And somebody else said, is
this going to be the baby that's going to break the bank? Probably not.
But if every one of these bills goes up, it's going to have a big
impact.
And my good friend, Mr. Hoyer, said the government today is larger
than the government you inherited, pointing at us. And then I guess the
point is, and we're going to make it bigger. I didn't get that at all.
The government's larger than the government you inherited, he said,
pointing to us. So we're going to increase these spending bills, this
one by 9\1/2\ percent.
Very few American families got a 9\1/2\ percent increase last year.
And almost none of them got to take the rate of inflation, the
population growth somewhere, and whatever they had as a percent of the
entire national economy and decide how that number added up.
This is a 9\1/2\ percent growth in the foreign assistance part of the
budget. This amendment says, let's just do a little less than we did
last year and see if we can't make up with that with efficiency. One of
the other amendments said, let's just do what we did last year.
But this is a $2.6 billion growth. Let's not anybody be confused that
that's a cut, or it relates to some complicated formula, or somehow if
you didn't understand second-grade math, you would realize this wasn't
a real increase. This is an increase. This is too much of an increase.
We need to start doing the kinds of things on this bill and the other
bill that hold the line, as we did hold the line on the discretionary
non-defense budget in the past Congresses. We looked at the entitlement
programs in the past Congress. None of that's happening in this
Congress. So those programs are going to grow until we're told the
budget's balanced.
And by the way, in 35 of the last 39 Congresses, the budget wasn't
balanced. And in seven of those, that was our fault, and the
circumstances we dealt with. In the other 28, the majority party's
party was in control.
We need to be doing better. We need to start now. This is real growth
that families couldn't just pass off as some complicated formula. We
shouldn't either. We should be able to cut this budget by the one-half
of 1 percent that the gentlelady from Colorado has suggested.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, tonight I again am amazed that our
President's numbers have been so highly esteemed by my colleagues on
the other side of the aisle. And I don't believe I've ever heard a
debate where so
[[Page H6939]]
much Scripture was quoted by the folks that constantly talk about the
separation of church and state. So it's been quite an amazing evening
here.
When the American people see all this, perhaps their heads spin as we
talk about all these things, and maybe they don't understand everything
we say because we're in this political arena. We're serving in
Congress. And they're working hard every day trying to provide for
their families.
But I think what the American people would understand, Mr. Chairman,
I have 2 quarters in this hand. This is 50 cents. In this other hand I
have a dollar bill, a $100 bill. The American people know that
government spends too much money. All I'm asking for in this amendment
is for us not to spend this 50 cents.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I won't take the 5 minutes. But let me say
that I find it rather humorous that our good friends on the other side
of the aisle would utter not one peep when this President decides to
spend over $600 billion on a war in Iraq which he misled the country
into, which he didn't have a clue of how to get out of, and now he's
asking us to make a commitment that will lead over the next 20 years to
the expenditure of at least $1 trillion more for that same misguided
cause. Not a peep; most of their buttons wired right to the White
House, wired right to Karl Rove's desk.
And yet, it's the same crowd that will then make a Federal case out
of the fact that when we cut the President's budget for foreign aid we
didn't cut it quite enough. And so they're making a Federal case out of
one-half of 1 percent.
My good friend, Archie the Cockroach observed once, ``Remember the
importance of proportion. Of what use is it for a queen bee to fall in
love with a bull?''
Think about it. If you do, you'll realize just how silly and
misguided this debate is, because this is a crowd who spent willingly
$600 billion on the most damaging war in recent American history, and
yet are now objecting to the President's request to fund a bill which
is traditionally meant to repair our relationships around the world and
to pay a little bit of the cost of citizenship on a planet where many
millions of people are a whole lot less fortunate than we are.
I'm also amused by the fact that we hear a constant cry from the
other side of the aisle, ``We need bipartisanship. Politics ends at the
water's edge.'' And then when we try to demonstrate a little
bipartisanship by giving the President most of what he asked, but not
all, we then get the White House complaining because we've cut this
bill too deeply, and we get their supporters in this House crying that
we didn't cut it deeply enough. I get whiplash trying to follow the
direction of a party that is that schizophrenic.
So with all due respect, we understand that this is a marginal
debate. It is a debate ginned up to try to find any excuse whatsoever
to bring down this bill.
It's not going to do it. Let's get on with the public's business.
Let's be responsible. Let's reject this amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Flake
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Flake:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to fund nongovernmental organizations, specifically
named in the report accompanying the Act, outside of a
competitive bidding process.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The point of order is reserved.
Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June 20, 2007, the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
{time} 2230
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I recognize that a point of order has been
lodged and will prevail, and I will withdraw this. But let me just make
the point here.
This bill, like previous years' bills making appropriations for the
State Department and for foreign operations, doesn't include earmarks
in the traditional sense. In other words, it doesn't direct agencies to
fund specific programs for parochial interests.
However, the report accompanying the bill makes reference to several
nongovernmental organizations by name. I think it is most accurate to
refer to these as ``soft earmarks.''
Scattered throughout the report is language which reads as follows:
``The committee is aware of the work of,'' and you can insert your
favorite organization here, ``and encourages USAID to consider
supporting such work in fiscal year 2008.''
I would suppose that, given the agencies we are funding, some of
these NGOs are based overseas or are international organizations, and I
have no doubt that many of them are doing good work. But why are they
any more worthy than the hundreds of other organizations that are not
named?
My amendment does not strike funding for any NGO. Rather, it simply
would remove any funding preference for any of the organizations that
are listed in the bill over organizations that are not listed in the
bill. This amendment simply would prevent funding from going to any of
these organizations outside of a competitive bidding process. With the
efforts to shine more light on the earmarking process, I am concerned
that we might see increasingly creative ways to steer funding to
recipients of funding that Members of Congress want to see it go to.
I would like to know how these organizations managed to get mentioned
by those named in the report. Who made these requests? Was it the
administration? Was it Members of Congress? Was it the committee as a
whole? Or the organizations themselves? Will the committee disclose
this kind of information? Are these agencies going to be under any
undue pressure to give preference to these organizations? Will there be
any accounting for whether they have received funding or whether they
had gone through a fair bidding process? Are we going to see similar
soft earmarking in the future now that there is a brighter spotlight on
earmarking in Congress?
I would welcome any answers to this question now or I would like to
work with the committee to understand the rationale for this type of
soft earmarking.
With that, unless the chairwoman would explain this or enlighten me
as to what these soft earmarks are doing or how they come about, I
would be glad to withdraw this amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FLAKE. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, as I understand it, the committee is going
to follow the House rules, and I understand the gentleman is going to
withdraw the amendment.
Mr. FLAKE. Yes.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Arizona?
There was no objection.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
[[Page H6940]]
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to send or otherwise pay for the attendance of more
than 50 employees from a Federal department or agency at any
single conference occurring outside the United States.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, perhaps I will not use the
entire 5 minutes, because the amendment I present tonight is one
similar to what I offered previously on other sessions of this Congress
which have passed on voice vote in a bipartisan manner.
This is an amendment which simply looks to the number of U.S.
Government employees who attend international conferences.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to advise the gentleman that we are
happy to accept the amendment.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I appreciate that.
And I will just conclude then, Mr. Chairman, by pointing out what the
purpose of the amendment was. And that is there have been certain cases
where upwards of 150 employees of single government agencies have
attended international conferences such as in Africa and other places,
and we are just simply saying that it is not wrong for U.S. Government
agencies to send their valuable employees over to these international
conferences, but we should put some limit on them. Just as small
businesses and families have to rein in their budgets and decide what
is appropriate as far as their staff going to conferences and the like,
so should the Federal Government.
And I appreciate the gentlewoman for accepting the amendment.
I will conclude by saying that perhaps, maybe not in this session but
in future sessions, that these amendments may not be necessary on the
floor; and I will be glad to work with the gentlewoman in the future to
incorporate such language similar to this in the actual underlying
bill.
Mrs. LOWEY. We are happy to work with you in the future on this
amendment or any other amendments, and I am pleased that we are
accepting this amendment.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Conaway
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 6 offered by Mr. Conaway:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
DEFICIT REDUCTION
Sec. __. It is the sense of the House of Representatives
that any reduction in the amount appropriated by this Act
achieved as a result of amendments adopted by the House
should be dedicated to deficit reduction.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The point of order is reserved.
Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June 20, 2007, the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Conaway) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, the amendment is pretty straightforward.
We have heard hours and hours today of debate on whether or not we
should cut spending out of this proposed appropriations bill that has
been brought forward. The elephant in the room that we don't talk about
is, under the mechanics of the law under House rules, were any of these
amendments that we will be voting on in a few minutes to pass, they
would not actually reduce spending. The amounts would still remain
within the 302(b) allocation and would be spent somewhere else within
the subcommittee's jurisdiction.
What my amendment would do would be to say that, instead of that
being the occurrence, the savings would actually go against the
deficit; and should we ever have a surplus, it would actually include
that surplus.
I intend to withdraw the amendment. I understand the point of order.
But, before I do, Mr. Chairman, I want to make one other comment.
Mr. Chairman, I am a Christian, and I take very seriously the
instructions in the New Testament, particularly verses like Luke 12:48
that says, ``To whom much is given, much is required.'' I understand
the parable of the sick and the unclothed and the jailed. But I see
those instructions to me personally, to take my personal assets, my
personal wealth, and deal with those issues for my fellow man. I see no
instruction that tells me to take someone else's blessings and wealth
to fix those problems.
So I would urge my colleagues to be very careful when they invoke
those instructions.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my amendment if I
could have some help from the other side in working towards a solution
that would allow spending cuts that actually are voted on and passed to
reduce deficits and increase surpluses, rather than staying within the
302(b) allocation.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the amendment is withdrawn.
There was no objection.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Pence
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Pence:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to provide direct aid to the Palestinian Authority,
except as otherwise provided by existing law.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, the legislation before us today includes in
various ways tens of millions of dollars that would be directed to
advancing U.S. interests in areas known as the West Bank and Gaza.
Given the recent violent and tragic events in the Palestinian
territories and the strong commitment of this body to prevent taxpayer
funding from reaching the hands of terrorists, I offer an amendment
that reinforces previous prohibitions on funding Palestinian terrorist
organizations and offer it for my colleagues' consideration on both
sides of the aisle.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment simply states: ``None of the funds made
available in this Act may be used to provide direct aid to the
Palestinian Authority, except as otherwise provided by existing law.''
So what is existing law? The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 was
amended by the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act last year, in 2006. It
was signed into law in December. It states that, ``No ministry, agency
or instrumentality of the Palestinian Authority effectively controlled
by Hamas'' would be eligible for funding unless it meets the basic
preconditions of civil society, namely, recognition of Israel and the
renunciation of violence.
The purpose of this amendment today is to clarify that assistance may
be provided to the Fattah elements of the PA government, assuming such
elements are not engaged in the terrorism or compromise by the
terrorism of Hamas. Concern about the application of this provision may
have led the distinguished subcommittee chairman, Mrs. Lowey, to put a
hold and request information from Secretary Rice about her intent to
release funding to the PA.
Now, these safeguards and other relevant laws are critical because
they prohibit assistance to terrorists, including to a Hamas-controlled
Palestinian Authority, but they permit assistance to a PA government
that is in
[[Page H6941]]
compliance with the principles of recognition of Israel, previous peace
agreements, and a renunciation of violence.
Why is it necessary? Well, because, given the systematic instability,
we simply don't know what shape the Palestinian government will take in
the coming months. Large portions of the Palestinian territories are in
virtual anarchy at this moment. Even worse, Gaza is completely
dominated by Hamas, a universally recognized terrorist organization. We
cannot permit one red cent of U.S. dollars to find its way to Hamas.
After lengthy discussions with the Department of State, including
Secretary of State Rice herself, I would like my colleagues to know
that this amendment is not opposed by the State Department. In fact, I
had a warm and candid conversation today with the Secretary of State,
and I told her then that it is critical that we clarify that the
Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006 is still the law of the land and
reiterate its intent, namely, to deny funding to terrorist entities
within the Palestinian leadership.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot permit any ambiguity to exist on this
subject. This body should be on the record today, as we have before,
that no American tax dollars can be delivered to any authority within
the Palestinian territories that is compromised or even tainted by
Hamas or other terrorist interests.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to accept this amendment.
It is my understanding that it reiterates the restrictions on direct
aid to the PA that are already in current law that are clearly included
in this bill. I certainly expect the administration to abide by these
restrictions, and I thank the gentleman for his amendment. In fact, I
am wondering why the gentleman is offering the amendment if it is
already included in the bill.
I also understand that my good friends on the other side of the aisle
are whipping against this bill. This bill provides millions of dollars
for Israel and for many good causes all around the world. So for those
who are standing up as friends of Israel and want to protect Israel, I
wonder why you are whipping against a bill that is providing millions
of dollars for Israel.
And I thank the gentleman for your amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk).
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman from Indiana
for yielding.
He makes a good point. I am actually for this bill coming forward,
but we need to send an important signal.
The administration has said that they are going to provide direct aid
to the Palestinian Authority and provide $40 million to the U.N. Relief
and Works Agency in Gaza. U.S. taxpayers should not be forced to
finance a culture of ``welfare terrorism.''
This morning, Secretary Rice agreed to work with us in upgrading the
auditing regime of UNRWA, and we hope that that will include an end to
Cash Assistance payments to terrorists and martyr families, with a full
independent audit of UNRWA programs outside the U.N. structure.
We have looked in the past at our errors, in the 1990s, when the U.S.
poured hundreds of millions of dollars into assistance for the Yassar
Arafat government and the return on taxpayer investments was very low
indeed. In haste, we should not repeat our errors made just a few short
fiscal years ago.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Let me thank the distinguished chairman of the subcommittee for her
support of this amendment. Let me also say to the gentlewoman that I
intend to support the underlying legislation and appreciate her strong
work in support of Israel.
{time} 2245
The reason for bringing this bill, to answer the gentlelady's
question, Mr. Chairman, is very simple. In recent days, the State
Department has indicated its intent to ``lift restrictions on aid to
Palestinians.'' And the Pence amendment today will simply say that any
aid that would go to the Palestinian Authority must, with an
exclamation point, only go to the Palestinian Authority under current
restrictions in current law. That is my sincere intent.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mrs. LOWEY. I want to thank the gentleman for his amendment. I also
am delighted to know that you will support the bill. It is a good bill.
The ranking member and I worked very closely in a bipartisan way. I
have the greatest respect for my friend and ranking member, Mr. Wolf.
It was really disappointing for me to hear that the whip's office was
working against the bill.
I thank you so much. It's a good bill. I appreciate your support, and
I'm happy to accept this amendment because the current restrictions,
which you rightly suggest, are in this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I won't take the 5 minutes. I simply want to
say that I appreciate the fact that the committee has accepted this
amendment. But let me simply make one point.
Because we have heard on this side of the aisle that the minority
party is whipping against the bill, let me simply say that I would hope
that there are no Members of this House who would engage in an act
which would give hypocrisy a bad name by voting for this amendment,
which in essence simply repeats existing law, and then use that as
cover as an excuse to then vote against the bill in final passage. I
don't think that friends of Israel would be conned by that. And I would
hope, and I have full confidence, that no Member of this House would
engage in such hypocrisy.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman from Indiana
for his leadership on this issue. I am proud to associate myself with
his efforts though I believe it does not go far enough.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask my colleagues when we will learn
from our mistakes?
Did we learn anything when Arafat took our money and stashed it in
his Swiss bank accounts instead of providing for his own people?
Did we learn anything when Fatah was exposed as nothing but a corrupt
gang of thugs?
Did we learn anything when Abu Mazen refused to rout Hamas when he
had the chance and showed that his backbone is no stronger than a wet
noodle?
Did we learn anything when Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza
and Fatah failed to build one school, one hospital, one road, did one
thing to improve the lives of its own people, but still came to us with
their palms open for more money?
Did we learn when the Palestinian Finance Minister Salam Fayad
admitted that hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign aid had been
siphoned off, thanks to corruption and malfeasance?
Mr. Chairman, let's stop throwing good after bad. We should cut off
funding to the corrupt and ineffectual Palestinian Authority. If I have
learned anything it is this: If the U.S. gives Abu Mazen 50 cents or
$50 million or $500 million more dollars he will be incapable of
uniting the Palestinian people, leading the Palestinian people or
bringing peace to a very troubled part of the world. I thank the
gentleman from Indiana again for addressing this important issue and I
yield back.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Ms. Berkley
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 2 offered by Ms. Berkley:
[[Page H6942]]
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
PROHIBITION AGAINST ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA
Sec. __. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available pursuant to this Act--
(1) shall be obligated or expended to finance any
assistance to Saudi Arabia; or
(2) shall be used to execute a waiver of section 571 or 614
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2349aa or
2364) with regard to assistance to Saudi Arabia.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Nevada.
Ms. BERKLEY. I thank the Chair.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today on behalf of Mr. Weiner, Mr. Crowley, Mr.
Ferguson and myself to offer an important amendment to cut off funding
to the Saudi Arabian regime.
Mr. Chairman, there are many reasons that we need not be sending
foreign aid to Saudi Arabia. First, Saudi Arabia does not need our
money. They are one of the wealthiest countries in the world, with a
GDP of over $286 billion a year. With poor countries begging us for
help, why are we giving money to this oil-rich kingdom? Is not 60, 70,
$80 a barrel enough?
Second, Saudi Arabia exports and funds terrorists and terrorism. Need
I remind anyone in this body that 15 of the 9/11 hijackers were Saudi?
But the story goes on. By 2005, over 2,500 Saudi youths had entered
Iraq to wage jihad against the Americans. That's waging jihad against
us. By last month, 3,000 Saudis had been killed or captured in Iraq.
Why are all these Saudis fighting in Iraq? Because their government is
financing and teaching terrorism.
Israeli officials believe that over half of Hamas' budget comes from
Saudi Arabia. Just this week, two indictments were served against Saudi
charities that are accused of funding Hamas. Their textbooks still
teach Saudi children that Jews are apes, Christians are pigs, and that
every other religion other than Islam is false. Their newspapers print
anti-Semitic cartoons depicting the Jews as thiefs, and, most insulting
of all, as Nazis. Already this year our State Department has counted 14
human rights abuses in Saudi Arabia, including beatings, arbitrary
arrests, violations of religious freedom, and limitation on workers
rights.
The Saudis are not our allies. They are not our friends. King
Abdullah called our invasion of Iraq an illegal foreign occupation.
Those are not the words of a friend.
Mr. Chairman, we cannot trust them and we should not fund them. That
is why every year more and more Members of this body vote to cut off
funding to the terrorist regime. And yet, despite all this, the funding
for Saudi Arabia has increased. Let me repeat that. It has increased
each year because of an obscure loophole in the Foreign Assistance Act,
up to $1.5 million in 2006. Well, this year we're closing that
loophole. Our amendment will ensure that funding to Saudi Arabia is cut
off once and for all.
Enough is enough. Let's come to our senses and end this senseless
promotion of terrorism. I urge support for the Weiner-Crowley-Ferguson-
Berkley amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Who seeks time in opposition?
Mr. WOLF. I am not opposed to the amendment. I am for the amendment.
So I will strike the requisite number of words.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WOLF. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FERGUSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I thank the gentleman from Virginia for the time. And I of course
rise in strong support of this amendment. I am delighted to, once again
this year, work with Mr. Weiner, Mr. Crowley and Ms. Berkley.
We've offered this amendment in the past. And each year that this
Foreign Operations bill includes funding for Saudi Arabia we've offered
this amendment, and each year we gain more and more support. Obviously
we're disappointed that this bill does include some money for Saudi
Arabia, but I'm pleased that offering this bipartisan amendment with
broad support on both sides of the aisle, once again we will seek to
strip that money.
The bill before us provides $115,000 in foreign aid for a country
that has time and time and time and again proven that it doesn't
deserve one cent of American taxpayers' dollars, not only because Saudi
Arabia is one of the wealthiest countries in the world, but also
because it's not a partner with the United States and other nations in
our efforts to combat terrorism.
Saudi Arabia has a pretty poor record on a number of fronts. It's not
just a poor record in joining with other allies around the world to
combat terrorism. They have a pretty terrible record on human rights,
pretty poor record on religious freedom, and they continue to support
and participate in the Arab League's boycott of Israel. Now, even
recently there was an Arab League boycott meeting in Damascus. The
Saudi Government continued to participate in that meeting. All of this
despite Saudi Arabia's repeated promises to dismantle the boycott and
to support most-favored-nation status for Israel. And Israel, of
course, our closest and most important ally in the Middle East, Saudi
Arabia continues to undermine the efforts that we are building in the
Middle East.
Clearly, Saudi Arabia is not a country that is struggling to make
ends meet. Saudi Arabia doesn't need financial support from other
nations. And they certainly can't be considered a strong ally of the
United States or the global war on terror.
Last year, more than 300 Members of the House supported this
amendment. I am really looking forward to continued broad bipartisan
support for this amendment once again this year. And I'm really
delighted, once again, to be working with Mr. Weiner and Mr. Crowley
and Ms. Berkley in offering this amendment.
I thank you for yielding.
Mr. WOLF. Reclaiming my time, perhaps the amendment really doesn't go
far enough in the sense that to do something that really matters, there
is a real concern that many American Ambassadors to Saudi Arabia are
now out working for the Saudi Government. And I have an amendment that
we're trying to get through the Rules Committee. Mr. Lantos and I are
working on asking various groups to look into this. There are actually,
I understand, CIA station chiefs, American CIA station chiefs who were
station chiefs in Saudi Arabia that may be now working for the Saudis.
The Saudis funded the madrassas up along the Pakistan-Afghan border.
There were 15 Saudis on the aircraft, one of them went into the
Pentagon and killed 30 people from my congressional district. The first
person killed in Afghanistan was Michael Spann, a CIA agent from my
district, because of the activities of the Saudis.
The Saudis are funding anti-Semitic, anti-Christian activities in
some of the schools. This is Wahhabism. I've been kind of shocked. This
is a milquetoast amendment. This is a weak amendment. There should be
something really strong to get control of this Wahhabism that is
spreading.
So, yes, let's pass it. But I would hope the next time we really do
something that really can make a difference because this is dangerous.
Had they not funded those madrassas, frankly maybe what took place on
9/11 may have never taken place.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I'm pleased to accept the amendment from
the gentlelady from Nevada.
Ms. BERKLEY. I want to thank the gentlelady from New York and thank
Mr. Wolf. It's nice to be on the same side of an issue for a change,
and this is certainly one that I appreciate your support. Perhaps next
year we can work on an amendment that will be even stronger than this.
I quite agree with you.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Nevada (Mrs. Berkley).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
[[Page H6943]]
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. King of Iowa:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
LIMITATION ON FUNDS FOR TRAVEL BY THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES TO COUNTRIES THAT ARE STATE SPONSORS OF TERRORISM
Sec. 6_. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available in this Act may be used to fund or support travel
by the Speaker of the House of Representatives to Cuba, Iran,
North Korea, Sudan, or Syria.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
June 20, 2007, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) and a Member opposed
each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My amendment is a fairly simple amendment. It goes into the section
and limits the funds for travel by the Speaker of the House of
Representatives to countries that are state sponsors of terrorism. And
it simply says none of the funds may be used to support travel by the
Speaker to the nations specifically of Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Sudan
or Syria. And the reason for that, Mr. Chairman, is that there are two
constraints on the Speaker of the House. One of them is a
constitutional constraint that vests the authority of foreign policy
into the President of the United States. And that's clear. And that's
established in the Constitution and codified by our founders
specifically so there wouldn't be a division of messages, that we would
speak with one voice on foreign policy.
And when they had problems with that even after the ratification of
the Constitution, then they passed the Logan Act, which has been in law
for over 200 years. And the Logan Act prohibits anyone representing the
United States, without the authority of the administration, to conduct
foreign policy. And it's clear that's what happened in Syria, and it
was reported in newspapers all over this country in April.
And so this legislation, this appropriation, without my amendment,
would allow taxpayers' dollars to support what I believe is
unconstitutional behavior and statutory violations.
I urge support of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, first I would like to thank my good friend
from Iowa for providing comic relief at this late hour of this debate.
This carefully constructed, exquisitely constructed absurdity
masquerading as an amendment, and on the west coast there are still
children watching this program, and I hope they are watching it because
this is a rare moment in the history of the Congress of the United
States.
There are 435 Members in this body, every single one of us elected by
our constituents. The Speaker of the House, at the moment, happens to
be the Representative from the Eighth District of California. Now, if
the gentleman were to offer an amendment saying that 434 Members may
travel to Cuba and Sudan and Iran and Syria, but the Representative
from the Tenth District of Illinois or the Seventh District of Texas
may not, he would be laughed out of court. But that is precisely what
this so-called amendment purports to do. It says nothing about any
other Member of the Congress of the United States.
{time} 2300
We are free to travel to Syria. We are free to travel to North Korea.
But one of our colleagues, who happens to represent the Eighth District
of California, may not.
Now, San Francisco happens to have two Representatives; Ms. Pelosi,
who represents the Eighth District, and I represent the Twelfth
District. The absurdity that you pretend is an amendment allows the
person representing a part of San Francisco to travel to North Korea,
to travel to Syria, to travel to Sudan, but the person representing the
other part of San Francisco may not.
Now, I really don't think that this amendment can be taken seriously
at its face value. There is a hidden message here. That hidden message
is a low blow, a pathetically low blow, aimed at our most distinguished
Speaker of this body.
I was with the Speaker on her visit, not only to Syria, but to
Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. She represented the United States with
eloquence, dignity and distinction. It turns my stomach that this
sickening partisan attempt to get at the Speaker's performance of her
legitimate duties is presented here as an amendment.
Let me, however, deal with the underlying issue. The underlying issue
relates to travel to countries with which we disagree. May I point out,
Mr. Chairman, that beginning in 1981, at the height of the Cold War, I
was appointed chair of our Parliamentary Liaison to the European
Parliament. It became obvious to me that most of our colleagues in 1981
had never traveled in the Soviet Union or behind the Iron Curtain. So,
every year I took it upon myself to lead a congressional delegation to
the Soviet Union and to all the Communist countries of the Soviet bloc.
Many of my colleagues at that time had no passport. But as a result
of year after year after year going to these Communist countries, many
Members of this body became familiar with the circumstances. Their
commitment of anti-Communism was enhanced, and their understanding of
the Soviet Union and the Central and East European satellites became
much clearer.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I thank the distinguished chairman of the
Appropriations Committee.
Mr. Chairman, the primitive, absurd, stupid notion that we should not
allow Members of Congress to travel to countries with which we have
disagreement is really beneath contempt. This know-nothingism has no
place in this body. The discriminatory approach of allowing 434 Members
of the House of Representatives to travel to the Sudan, to look at
Darfur and the tragedy unfolding there, but not to allow the Speaker of
the House of Representatives to see with her own eyes the genocide
which is taking place in Darfur is not worthy of this body.
I hope that my friend from Iowa will withdraw this pathetic absurdity
masquerading as an amendment. It is not an amendment. It is a low blow
at the distinguished Speaker of the House of Representatives. I hope
that if the gentleman does not withdraw it, it will be overwhelmingly
defeated.
This body is a body of adult men and women who are prepared to go to
Syria, Sudan, Cuba, North Korea, and, if the Iranians will let us in,
to Iran. At this moment, the Ahmadinejad government does not offer
visas to any Member of Congress. I have been attempting to go there for
well over 10 years. I hope, one of these days, a group of us will go
there.
But the notion of proposing an ostrich policy aimed at the Speaker of
the House of Representatives, that she may not go to Cuba, while scores
of Republicans and Democrats go, while scores of Republicans and
Democrats go to the Sudan and to Syria, is a cheap partisan blow. Days
before we went to Syria, three Republican colleagues were in Syria, and
I salute them; days after we went there, another Republican colleague
went there.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I think after that
speech, there is absolutely no need to say anything more. The amendment
says a whole lot more about the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) than it
says about the Speaker of the House.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I oppose the amendment for three reasons. One, I would
hope in the next Congress we have a Republican Speaker, and so I
wouldn't want to see that side limit our Speaker. That is number one.
Number two, Senator Sam Brownback and I were one of the first ones to
go to Darfur. I wish more Members would go to Darfur. I think it is
genocide. I think one of the problems is that this place hasn't moved
fast enough because people haven't seen it.
[[Page H6944]]
They couldn't smell it. They just couldn't feel it. And so to say you
couldn't go to Darfur where there is a genocide taking place now is
just not a good idea. I have been to Sudan five times. Certainly you
couldn't limit the Speaker to go some place that I, as a lowly Member,
could go to.
The third reason is that I was one of the Members who went to Syria.
Now, I am not a weak person. I used to go to the Soviet Union during
the days of Communism and speak out for the dissidents. Chris Smith and
I went into Perm Camp 35 and interviewed Sharansky's cellmate and did a
lot of things that really made a difference.
When I went to Syria, here is what I said to Assad. With me was
Robert Aderholt, not exactly a liberal Member of the House; Joe Pitts,
again, God bless him, a very conservative Member of the House, a good
person. Here is what we said to Assad four times, and it was good that
he heard it. I said it twice, and Mr. Pitts said it once, and Mr.
Aderholt said it once. We said, one, stop allowing foreign fighters to
come and transit your border. I am not saying it is because of our
effort, but 2 weeks after that, the Commanding General in Afghanistan
said that the foreign fighters had slowed down. They actually saw the
results.
Secondly, Israel's right to exist. Assad should have heard Members.
More Members should go tell Assad, Israel has the right to exist.
Thirdly, I said stop supporting Hezbollah and Hamas. We were 4 feet
from him. We looked at him directly in the eye and said no more
support. We know and they know where Hamas and Hezbollah have their
offices. They're in Damascus.
Lastly, we said to them with regard to this, stop interfering in
Lebanon's right to exist.
So, I am of the mind, and I may be in the minority of my party, I
take the Ronald Reagan approach. Ronald Reagan, when he called the
Soviet Union the evil empire, his greatest speech was to the National
Association of Evangelicals, Orlando, Florida, 1983. He called them the
evil empire. But as he called them the evil empire, he sent people out
to talk.
If you recall his speech he gave at Danilov Monastery, where he
talked about freedom, Gorbachev was there. Ronald Reagan defeated the
Soviets because he went and engaged, not in weakness. He put the Cruise
Missiles in in Europe in 1983 when people complained. But he was able
to do it.
So, one, I hope we have a Republican Speaker, and I would hope
everyone on our side agrees when we have a Republican Speaker in the
next Congress.
Two, I went to Sudan. I think everybody in this body ought to go to
Sudan. They ought to go to Darfur. Maybe it was because of the failure
of people to go to Rwanda. Maybe that wouldn't have taken place.
Lastly, intellectually it would be impossible to say this was a good
idea if I was one of the ones that went. I think by going I served the
interests of our Government. I was criticized. I had people criticize
me.
{time} 2315
But I thought it was good that Assad heard that.
Lastly, I met with the leading dissident in Syria, and I said,
``Should we put your name in our release?'' And he said, ``Please, put
my name in.'' Sharansky used to tell us, ``When you spoke out for me,
when you said things for me, my life got better.''
This dissident said, ``Mention my name. Mention my name. I will stand
with you,'' because, he said, ``nobody else is coming to meet with me
and stand with me.'' We stood with him, and when we left Syria, after
we left, the Syrian Government criticized us for the tone of what they
thought we said.
But, God bless, I would hope that every Member of this body would go
to Syria and sit down with Assad and say, stop the foreign fighters;
Israel's right to exist; stop the support for Hezbollah and Hamas; and
stop messing around in Lebanon and let these people who want freedom to
have freedom.
For that reason, I urge a ``no'' vote on the amendment.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 15 seconds.
Mr. Chairman, I would point out that no one here that has traveled to
a foreign country has announced a new foreign policy but the Speaker of
the House. No one here has pointed out how it is you can contravene the
Constitution. We all take an oath, solemnly swear to uphold this
Constitution. And no one here has pointed to a law that supersedes the
Logan Act.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/4\ minutes to the gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Cantor).
Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, in all due respect to my good friend from California
who knows I have a great deal of respect for him, this is not a
sickening or pathetic amendment. It is not primitive, stupid or absurd,
as it was described. It is not an ostrich amendment. And this is not a
low blow, nor is anyone saying that the Speaker of this House is not an
eloquent speaker and Representative as she goes forward out into the
world as Speaker of this institution.
Nor would I tell my colleagues, is this an amendment about Member
travel. No one says that we should not be about educating ourselves so
that we can better effect public policy here in our roles as Members of
this Congress and as Representatives of the constituents that elect us.
What this is about is about travel by an individual who is second in
line to the President of the United States. Like it or not, for the 434
others of us, it does mean something different when the Speaker of the
House goes somewhere.
As my friend from Iowa indicates, all reports say when the trip to
Syria occurred, that somehow it was perceived on the ground and in the
region that somehow the United States was embarking upon new foreign
policy.
Frankly, Mr. Chairman, I would say from Iran's hot pursuit of nuclear
weapons to Syria's eagerness to stir violence against our interests in
the Middle East, America faces a growing list of terrorist states, as
my good friend from California is well aware. And amidst such threats,
the United States must speak forthrightly and with one voice.
Iran, Syria, North Korea, Sudan, Cuba, they all are feeble states
whose interests are diametrically opposed to ours. Their regimes are
vulnerable to international sanction, and they will not change until
America and its allies apply enough pressure to endanger their regimes.
I would just say when the Speaker of the House goes to these nations
and it is perceived that somehow we are capitulating, it goes against
our interests. That is what this amendment is about.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time
to conclude.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 1 minute remaining.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I take us to this path where we are,
and I haven't heard the response to the issue of the constitutional
constraints that we all have.
I have traveled foreign and I have sat in there in diplomatic
discussions and debates and I have heard us get off track. I have heard
us put our national security at risk, because sometimes the people that
were there on the codel weren't tuned in with the administration's
policy. I have not seen us take us to the crisis moment, but I have
seen the precipice of the crisis moment.
But our founders understood this clearly and that is why they laid
that responsibility in the hands of the President of the United States
to conduct our foreign policy. That is why he appoints the Ambassadors.
That is why he negotiates the treaties. That is why 200 years of
tradition and history and constitutional law takes us down this path.
And if we can ignore our oath to the Constitution, then on top of
that, how can we ignore the Logan Act, which is the only controlling
Federal statute that we have? The Logan Act says no citizen of the
United States shall take foreign policy into their own hands.
Our Speaker clearly traveled to a terrorist-sponsored state against
the express wishes of the President of the United States.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
[[Page H6945]]
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Iowa will be
postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lamborn
Mr. LAMBORN. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Unfortunately, I
will shortly withdraw it, for reasons I will explain.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Lamborn:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act for
assistance under the West Bank and Gaza program may be made
available to or through any individual, private or government
entity, or educational institution that does not expressly
recognize the right of the State of Israel to exist.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order against the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A point of order is reserved.
Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, June 20, 2007, the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Lamborn) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. LAMBORN. Mr. Chairman, my amendment would have ensured that none
of the funds made available in this bill under the West Bank and Gaza
program may be made available to any individual or entity that does not
expressly recognize the right of the State of Israel to exist. I
brought this amendment to the floor to emphasize the strong sense of
this Congress and the United States that the peace process in this
region requires all participants to publicly acknowledge the
fundamental right of the State of Israel to exist.
Funding an organization that fails to recognize Israel is not
acceptable and should not be tolerated by this Congress.
While there have been many opportunities for the Palestinian
Liberation Organization in particular to officially recognize Israel's
right to exist, it has failed to do so. Until it is held accountable
for its failure to make recognition of Israel a formal part of its
charter, we as a Nation and in this Congress must be careful not to
reward and enable this organization.
Because Hamas controlled the Palestinian Authority after the recent
elections, the last Congress felt the need to pass a law, the
Palestinian Antiterrorism Act of 2006, to ensure that U.S. funds would
not be provided to this terrorist regime. This law, however, does not
go far enough, because it fails to make Israel's right to exist part of
the law as it applies to the PLO.
In contrast, my amendment would have created a simple formula for
determining where to provide assistance and who would be eligible to
receive funds by making the recognition of Israel's right to exist as
well as refraining from terrorism a prerequisite for U.S. funding of
all organizations.
For the peace process to be successful, and everyone here sincerely
wants this, it is imperative that all of the parties involved expressly
understand and recognize the rights of the other parties. Until this
happens, true peace, Mr. Chairman, cannot be achieved.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I continue to reserve my point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I thank my distinguished chairwoman.
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman for bringing this very
important amendment to the floor. I think it is a critical reminder to
the Palestinian Authority that they need to get their act together and
that we are losing patience with them. I want to thank the gentleman
for a very constructive dialogue earlier today.
Mr. Chairman, I was at the border of Israel and Gaza when the gate
fell down. The Israeli people said to the Palestinians, ``You can take
this. You can have it. Try and build capability here. Try and build a
country here. Try and build peace here.''
Do you know what they did with it? They sent rockets over the border
into Israel. They violated every commitment they made. They didn't
develop a capability. They developed Qassam rockets.
Israel is surrounded by threat in the north with Lebanon, where
Hezbollah violated the border, kidnapped Israeli soldiers, rained
rockets on the north; in Gaza, which has imploded; has an existential
threat from Iran, which is our threat as well. In between all those
places, you have people running around with grenades strapped around
their bodies blowing up themselves and everybody else they can take
with them.
Israel has tried to negotiate and negotiate and negotiate, and every
time it has negotiated, the result has been an interlocutor that has
said, we can't really keep our promises nor can we keep the peace.
So the gentleman's amendment is very, very important, and I want to
pledge to work with the distinguished chairwoman, who has had these
concerns and who has led this Congress in these concerns for as long as
she has been in Congress, with Mr. Wolf, the ranking member, who has
led the fight on these concerns, and with the gentleman, so that the
Palestinian Authority gets the message that we are losing patience and
we will not continue to sit by and allow them to pursue a policy of
destructiveness.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman, and I thank the
gentleman who offered the amendment. I appreciate your offer to
withdraw the amendment. I pledge to continue to work with you and Mr.
Israel and the other members of the committee and the Congress. We
thank you very much for your intent and your willingness to withdraw.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding and I
rise in strong support of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, is it too much to ask, after nearly 60 years, that
Israel's neighbors recognize its basic right to exist. There is simply
no reason for the U.S. to be funding entities that do not recognize
Israel, the Middle East's only democracy and our staunch ally.
Mr. Chairman, we can argue about the Palestinian Authority and
whether we should fund that corrupt and ineffectual government. But
there should be no debate when talking about terrorist organizations
whose singular purpose is to wipe Israel off the map.
We must send a clear and firm message to Hamas and Hezbollah: as long
as you are committed to Israel's destruction, we will commit ourselves
to not aiding your survival. End of story.
I thank the gentleman for his clear sighted amendment.
Mr. LAMBORN. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlewoman and the
gentleman, both from New York.
Mr. Chairman, knowing that this amendment is vulnerable to a point of
order because it goes beyond appropriating and into the legislative
realm, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Colorado?
There was no objection.
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings
will now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
An amendment by Mr. Boustany of Louisiana.
Amendment No. 7 by Mr. McGovern of Massachusetts.
An amendment by Mr. Jordan of Ohio.
Amendment No. 52 by Mr. Price of Georgia.
An amendment by Mrs. Musgrave of Colorado.
An amendment by Mr. Pence of Indiana.
An amendment by Mr. King of Iowa.
The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Boustany
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Louisiana
(Mr. Boustany) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
[[Page H6946]]
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 74,
noes 343, not voting 20, as follows:
[Roll No. 535]
AYES--74
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Bishop (UT)
Boehner
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Buchanan
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Carter
Chabot
Clarke
Davis (KY)
Davis, Tom
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dreier
Ellison
English (PA)
Everett
Flake
Fortenberry
Gillmor
Gingrey
Granger
Hayes
Herger
Hoekstra
Issa
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Kilpatrick
Knollenberg
LaHood
Lee
Mack
Marchant
Marshall
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McHenry
McKeon
Meeks (NY)
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Petri
Price (NC)
Radanovich
Rahall
Rogers (MI)
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sessions
Shadegg
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Walberg
Weller
Wexler
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
NOES--343
Abercrombie
Akin
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachmann
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heller
Hensarling
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jefferson
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Jordan
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McHugh
McIntyre
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Melancon
Mica
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Pence
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Stupak
Sutton
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--20
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Gordon
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Maloney (NY)
McGovern
Meehan
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
{time} 2347
Messrs. REHBERG, KLINE of Minnesota, BILIRAKIS, CULBERSON, MCHUGH,
DELAHUNT, BARTON of Texas, Mrs. BACHMANN and Mrs. DRAKE changed their
vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Messrs. WILSON of South Carolina, MCDERMOTT, ENGLISH of Pennsylvania,
MCKEON, MEEKS of New York, EVERETT, Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas, Mrs.
SCHMIDT, and Ms. LEE changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. McGovern
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from gentleman
from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) on which further proceedings were
postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 203,
noes 214, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 536]
AYES--203
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Camp (MI)
Capps
Capuano
Carnahan
Carson
Chabot
Chandler
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Coble
Cohen
Conyers
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Flake
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kucinich
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Tim
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Petri
Platts
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Solis
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOES--214
Abercrombie
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
[[Page H6947]]
Cardoza
Carney
Carter
Castle
Castor
Clyburn
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cooper
Costa
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dingell
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Emerson
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Hobson
Hoekstra
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jefferson
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Meek (FL)
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Royce
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Sestak
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Snyder
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stearns
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
Christensen
NOT VOTING--19
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Meehan
Melancon
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Scott (GA)
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). One minute remains in this
vote.
{time} 2352
Mr. CARDOZA changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. ENGLISH of Pennsylvania and Mr. Michaud changed their vote from
``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Members are reminded the remaining votes in this
series will be 2-minute votes, and are advised to remain in the Chamber
for the execution of their votes.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Jordan) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 152,
noes 268, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 537]
AYES--152
Aderholt
Akin
Bachmann
Bachus
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bono
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Conaway
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Rehberg
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
NOES--268
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Calvert
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Ramstad
Regula
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--17
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Meehan
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). One minute remains in this
vote.
{time} 2356
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
[[Page H6948]]
Amendment No. 52 Offered by Mr. Price of Georgia
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia
(Mr. Price) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 168,
noes 252, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 538]
AYES--168
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bono
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rehberg
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
NOES--252
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Regula
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--17
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Meehan
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining in
this vote.
{time} 0001
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Musgrave
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado
(Mrs. Musgrave) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 179,
noes 241, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 539]
AYES--179
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bono
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Kagen
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rehberg
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
NOES--241
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
[[Page H6949]]
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Regula
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--17
Berman
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining in
this vote.
{time} 0005
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Pence
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana
(Mr. Pence) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 390,
noes 30, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 540]
AYES--390
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardoza
Carney
Carter
Castle
Castor
Chabot
Chandler
Clarke
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Faleomavaega
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (OH)
Jordan
Kagen
Keller
Kildee
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Norton
Nunes
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Pearce
Pence
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sali
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schmidt
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sestak
Shadegg
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stearns
Stupak
Sutton
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Watson
Waxman
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--30
Baird
Capps
Capuano
Carnahan
Carson
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Dingell
Ellison
Gilchrest
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kilpatrick
Kucinich
LaHood
Lee
McDermott
Miller, George
Moran (VA)
Rahall
Slaughter
Stark
Waters
Watt
Welch (VT)
NOT VOTING--17
Bonner
Bordallo
Costello
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Napolitano
Ortiz
Pickering
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). One minute remains in the
vote.
{time} 0009
Mr. BISHOP of Georgia changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Iowa (Mr.
King) on which further proceedings were
[[Page H6950]]
postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 84,
noes 337, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 541]
AYES--84
Bachmann
Bachus
Barrett (SC)
Bilbray
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Boehner
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Drake
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Forbes
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Granger
Graves
Hayes
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
Lewis (KY)
Lucas
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McHenry
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Musgrave
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Radanovich
Reichert
Rogers (AL)
Sali
Schmidt
Sessions
Shadegg
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Tancredo
Tiahrt
Turner
Walberg
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wilson (SC)
Young (AK)
NOES--337
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Blunt
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Buchanan
Butterfield
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Carter
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Flake
Fortenberry
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Goodlatte
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Myrick
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--16
Bonner
Bordallo
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Ros-Lehtinen
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining in
the vote.
{time} 0013
Mr. HERGER changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read the last three lines.
The Clerk read as follows:
This Act may be cited as ``The Department of State, Foreign
Operations and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2008''.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Speaker, I'd like to congratulate the
Appropriations Committee for putting together a bipartisan bill that
provides assistance for such important issues as global health,
humanitarian assistance in Sudan, the environment and peacekeeping
operations around the world.
The 2008 State and Foreign Operations Appropriations bill reinforces
the notion that foreign policy is about more than the use of military
force and that foreign assistance and humanitarian aid are important
components of foreign policy making.
The bill provides $949 million for Sudan, of which $210 million is
for critical humanitarian and peacekeeping programs in Darfur. The
remaining funds are for development assistance and to strengthen
democratic institutions in southern Sudan.
Global health efforts also receive funding in this bill. The bill
provides $5 billion for HIV/AIDS treatment, prevention and care
programs around the world.
The bill also includes $501 million for clean energy and biodiversity
programs worldwide. Educational and cultural exchanges receive more
than $500 million to fund participation of over 42,000 individuals in
educational, cultural, and professional exchange programs including
Fulbright exchanges.
The bill also contains funding for programs in many countries around
the world, including Pakistan.
The U.S. appreciates Pakistan's effort in the fight against global
terrorism. However, President Musharraf's decision to enter into a non-
aggression pact with tribal leaders in the Waziristan region appears to
have provided a safe haven for the Taliban and has led to an increase
in Taliban and al Qaeda attacks inside Afghanistan. We should encourage
the Pakistani Government to reconsider this policy.
As we provide additional support to Pakistan, we must also make it
clear that we stand with those calling for free and fair elections. The
firing of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Muhammad Chaudhury
raises serious questions about President Musharraf's commitment to an
independent judiciary and the rule of law. The U.S. must make clear to
the people of Pakistan that we support the democratic process and
expect President Musharraf to honor his pledge to abandon his dual role
as both head of state and head of the armed forces.
The United States has long stood as a beacon for human rights,
democracy, and the rule of law. That beacon has been dimmed as a result
of the Bush administration's blunders and abuses in places like Iraq
and Guantanamo Bay. These practices have created a perception that the
United States has a double standard when it comes to the rule of law
and the promotion of democracy. We must speak with a clear and
consistent voice on these issues or we will continue to lose our
credibility, erode our ability to influence decisions, and weaken our
national security.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Fiscal Year
2008 State-Foreign Operations Appropriations bill and also to
congratulate Chairwoman Lowey for her impressive job in crafting a
spending bill that meets our important commitments to the international
community.
[[Page H6951]]
I would especially like to thank Chairwoman Lowey and the State-
Foreign Operations Subcommittee for including language in the Committee
Report that I requested regarding the science and technology literacy
and capacity in the U.S. Department of State. Additionally, the
Committee Report includes language I requested supporting the variety
of science fellowship programs in the Department of State, including
the science-diplomacy fellows of the American Association for the
Advancemnt of Science (AAAS), the professional society fellows, and the
recently established Jefferson Fellows Program.
The Office of the Science and Technology Adviser to the Secretary of
State (STAS) has played an important role at the Department of State
since 2000. As the chief scientist at State, the Adviser has brought
greater visibility to ``science for diplomacy'' and ``diplomacy for
science.'' STAS has increased the number of PhD scientists and
engineers employed at the Department, including AAAS fellows,
professional society fellows, and most recently, Jefferson Science
Fellows program.
I am glad that the Committee Report includes language applauding the
work of the STAS for continuing to promote the essential role of
science and technology in diplomacy. More importantly, the committee
strongly encourages the Department to continue to increase science and
technology capacity and literacy within the Department and the role of
science and technology in our Nation's foreign policy. And the
committee requests that the Secretary of State be prepared to report
during hearings on the Fiscal Year 2009 request on progress made during
the 2008 fiscal year.
I look forward to working with the State Department and the
Appropriations Committee to ensure that advances are made to achieve
these stated goals during this upcoming fiscal year.
Second, language included in the Committee Report supports the JSF
and the other science fellowship programs in the Department of State
and makes clear that the committee believes they are valuable programs
that should be expanded in the years ahead.
As a former AAAS science fellow I know first hand about the important
role that science fellows serve in helping policymakers better
understand and are able to advance science and technology as a major
component of diplomacy.
One such program, the Jefferson Science Fellows (JSF) program was
established Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in 2003. By providing
1-year fellowships to tenured academic scientists and engineers from
our Nation's colleges and universities, the JSF program works to
incorporate the American science, technology, and engineering
communities into the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign
policy. Each Jefferson Science Fellow is hosted during their fellowship
at the Department of State or a foreign embassy abroad. Jefferson
Science Fellows are now contributing their scientific expertise to such
challenging problems as nuclear non-proliferation, assessments of
nanotechnology, pandemics like avian flu, and extreme weather. As the
JSF program matures, this growing cadre of practicing experts with
first-hand knowledge of the workings within the Department of State
will be an increasingly important resource throughout the government.
Again, I would like to thank the committee for including this
language and I look forward to working with the committee as we build
the role of science in our Nation's diplomacy.
Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Fiscal
2008 State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Act and to express my
appreciation for the significant increase in funding for trade capacity
building.
This bill raises the Federal appropriation to $214 million, $87
million more than the administration requested.
Regardless of one's position on trade, helping our trading partners,
particularly those in developing countries, with the financial
assistance to improve enforcement of their labor and environmental laws
is a good thing.
I would encourage the State and Foreign Operations Subcommittee to
consider holding a hearing to assess how these funds have been
effective at building capacity in these developing countries.
I think there is a good story that should be told.
Looking forward, however, we have several free trade agreements that
we will be asked to consider in the next few months, Peru, Panama,
Colombia, and Korea.
Three, Peru, Panama and Colombia, are with developing countries that
are eligible to receive trade capacity assistance.
And while none of these agreements is a done deal, Colombia appears
to be the one with the greatest level of concern.
A number of our colleagues are rightly concerned about Colombia's
record on human rights and the alarmingly high number of labor leaders
that have been killed in recent years.
Given this concern, I would like to see this appropriation clarify
that some portion of the $214 million should go specifically to the
Colombian Government, the attorney general's office, which is charged
with investigating these killings and bringing the perpetrators to
justice.
The attorney general has is no easy task.
President Uribe's effort to disband the paramilitary groups and bring
about a peace agreement with the insurgents has made progress, but it
has also overwhelmed the attorney general's office and the courts with
a backlog of petitions to adjudicate.
Thousands of cases of former paramilitary soldiers and insurgents
must be investigated before any seeking amnesty can be pardoned.
Only those proven innocent of any human rights abuses are granted
amnesty.
I understand that the killing of labor leaders is being investigated,
but the progress is slow and complicated by competing demands to clear
the backlog of requests for pardons and amnesties.
I think Colombia would welcome our financial assistance to expedite
the investigations into human rights abuses and killings of labor
leaders.
I also think an offer of assistance would be a tangible demonstration
of our willingness to help them address our concerns.
I encourage you to consider this request when you begin your
discussions with the Senate on a final conference agreement.
Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to strongly
object to the reduction in assistance to Colombia and the significant
redirection of funding for counternarcotic programs in this
legislation.
Now is not the time to turn our backs on one of our most important
democratic allies in the Western Hemisphere. We need to reaffirm, not
dismantle, our commitment to these programs, to the people of Colombia,
and to American citizens.
The drug trade in Colombia is a major factor in the instability in
Latin America; it is killing Americans every day, and is a source of
funding for terrorism in the hemisphere.
I have traveled to Colombia several times over the past few years and
can say firsthand our significant investment is beginning to pay
dividends. Under the leadership of President Uribe, Colombia has
experienced success in fighting narcoterrorism and bringing democratic
stability to the country.
Now is not the time to cut funding--when progress is being made.
We must recognize the difficult work of President Uribe and the
challenges he faces with guerillas, paramilitary groups, drug
traffickers, and terrorists.
Despite these difficulties, Uribe has rescued his country from a
near-failed-state status and has reestablished state presence in areas
of the country that for decades lacked it. Drug traffickers are being
captured and extradited to the U.S. for prosecution, kidnapping rates
have decreased significantly, and the Colombian people finally feel
safe traveling within their own country.
We are also seeing tremendous results in illegal crop eradication,
and Plan Colombia's efforts have produced record reductions in coca
cultivation and in the destruction of drug labs. Each week brings news
of new seizures of cocaine and heroin--interdictions that are usually
the result of U.S. supplied intelligence.
Of course obstacles remain, and progress may be slower than my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle would like it to be.
But now is not the time to turn our backs on this battle which is so
intrinsically tied to our war on terrorism and the scourge of illegal
drug use. The Uribe administration is committed to this war but it
needs U.S. assistance to improve mobility, intelligence, and training.
Congress must continue to provide sustained funding for Plan Colombia
and Andean Counterdrug Initiative programs and approve a free trade
agreement.
The administration requested $589 million for promoting development
and fighting drugs in Colombia.
Full funding of programs coupled with a free trade agreement is
critical to sustaining our success in Colombia, fostering development
and investment, and protecting our interests in Latin America.
It's simple, Mr. Chairman, we cannot win this war on drugs and drug-
supported terrorism without the proper tools and resources.
Colombia is a key ally in an increasingly anti-American region--we
must do everything we can to ensure it remains a political and economic
partner.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R.
2764, the State-Foreign Operations Appropriations for FY 2008 and to
commend Chairwoman Lowey for her exceptional leadership in shepherding
this bill through the legislative process.
I strongly support this legislation because it is an indispensable
measure in restoring America's international prestige and leadership
position in the global community. Equally important, this legislation
reflects what is good about America: its generosity, its concern for
the less fortunate, its commitment to protecting the weak and uplifting
the downtrodden, and the recognition that we live in an
[[Page H6952]]
interdependent world. You will recall the wise counsel of the Rev. Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr., who said, ``we will either live together as
brothers or we will perish as fools.''
Mr. Chairman, I support H.R. 2764 because it rests upon a solid
foundation supported by four pillars or guiding principles: (1) the
United States must respond to humanitarian suffering and health crises;
(2) the United States should set an example for the world in providing
development assistance because development efforts play a crucial role
in increasing global stability; (3) the United States must continue to
make addressing global HIV/AIDS a key priority; and (4) the United
States must increase its efforts to support its allies in the global
war on terror. This legislation accomplishes all of these goals and
does so in a fiscally responsible manner. In fact, the $34.2 billion
dollars appropriated in H.R. 2764 is substantially less--$700 million
less--than the amount requested by the administration.
Mr. Chairman, as founder and co-chair of the Congressional Children's
Caucus I am constantly reminded of the importance of programs to
enhance the health of women and children the world over. In fact, the
best way to improve the life chances of poor children living in the
poorest countries is to elevate the quality of maternal health of their
mothers.
In Sub-Saharan African countries, 1 out of every 14 girls entering
adolescence will die before the end of her childbearing years. More
than 11 million children will die before reaching their fifth birthday
from preventable causes like pneumonia, diarrhea, measles, malaria, and
malnutrition. That translates to about 30,000 children deaths a day. It
is unconscionable to lose these lives when they can be saved with low-
cost interventions.
Mr. Chairman, during my last visit to the United Nations I was proud
to attend the United Nations Special Session on Children, where I
pledged my commitment to improving the lives of children over the next
decade. H.R. 2764 takes a big step toward fulfilling this commitment.
The bill provides $1.9 billion for the Child Survival and Health
Programs Fund, intended to reduce infant mortality and to improve the
health and nutrition of children, especially in the poorest nations.
This is an increase of 25 percent over the administration's short-
sighted request. In addition the bill allocates $750 million in grants
to organizations that support basic education programs, $300 million
for safe water programs, and $501 million for environment and clean
energy programs.
Mr. Chairman, perhaps nowhere on earth is America's commitment to its
fundamental values more on trial than in the crucible of human misery
and suffering that is Darfur in Sudan. Since 2003, we have witnessed a
systematic campaign of displacement, starvation, rape, mass murder, and
terror in the Sudanese region of Darfur. In the years since the
conflict began, we have commemorated the 10th anniversary of the 1994
Rwandan genocide and the 60th anniversary of the liberation of
Auschwitz, but promises of ``never again'' ring empty as genocide is
allowed to continue in Sudan. As violence persists despite peace
treaties and African Union peacekeeping efforts, now is the time to
follow admirable rhetoric with definitive action to stop the violence
in Darfur.
The Government of Sudan, through both support of the Janjaweed
militia and direct military action, is responsible for systematic
assaults against civilians belonging to the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masalit
ethnic groups. In the past 4 years, the genocide in Darfur has claimed
more than 450,000 lives and has displaced well over 2 million
civilians. While some of these have made their way to over-crowded
refugee camps in neighboring Chad, most remain trapped within Sudan.
These displaced persons are completely dependent on international aid
for their survival, the arrival and distribution of which has been
impeded by the Sudanese Government.
It has been nearly a year since the United Nations Security Council
adopted Resolution 1706, authorizing the deployment of 20,000 U.N.
peacekeepers to bolster the 7,000-strong African Union force already
active in the area. It has now been over a year since I traveled to
Chad and walked across the border to Sudan. I had the opportunity to
meet with these African Union troops, who pleaded for expanded
peacekeeping authority and the resources to protect the refugees from
violence.
In addition to the ongoing suffering of civilians within Sudan, the
violence has now spilled across the borders into both Chad and the
Central African Republic, and is undermining any prospects for
stability in the entire region. Relations between Chad and Sudan have
rapidly deteriorated, and, in addition to the flood of refugees moving
across the border, the two nations have become locked in a proxy war.
Chadian rebel groups, based in Darfur and supported by the Sudanese
Government, have been launching cross-border attacks on civilians in
Chad since late 2005. Similarly, fighting between rebels and government
troops has displaced over 70,000 people in the northeastern region of
the Central African Republic. The situation in these neighboring
nations has deteriorated to the point where the United Nations is
working towards the deployment of a peacekeeping force to these two
countries.
In short, the humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan also
continues. International observers, including the Bush administration,
have determined what is taking place in Darfur is genocide. As we
demonstrated in Kosovo, once roused to act in the face of evil, America
will be resolute and triumphant. That it is why I am so pleased that
H.R. 2764 provides $210.5 million for critical humanitarian and
peacekeeping programs in Darfur, which is 90 percent above the
President's request.
The bill also provides an additional $738.8 million, $4 million above
the President's request, for Sudan, primarily for development
assistance to build the economic base and strengthen democratic
institutions in southern Sudan. The bill prohibits any funds for the
Sudanese Government unless the Secretary of State certifies that Sudan
has ended all support for Arab militias attacking black Muslims in
Darfur and unless Sudan allows unimpeded access for humanitarian
assistance.
Likewise I welcome the $1.3 billion in funding provided in the bill
for U.N. peacekeeping missions. These funds will support peacekeeping
operations throughout the world. The bill also provides $293 million,
which is 31 percent above FY 2007 and 33 percent above the President's
request, for targeted peacekeeping operations, missions that are of
particular interest to the United States. This total includes an
additional $100 million, not requested by the President, to provide
critical support to the African Union Peacekeepers in Darfur.
Mr. Chairman, when it comes to HIV/AIDS, we are talking about a
tragedy of epic proportions, domestically and internationally. In my
home State of Texas 3,298 new AIDS cases were reported in 2006, fourth
highest in the country. Texas also claims the fourth largest population
living with AIDS, nearly 30,000 people or 14.7 per 100,000. Of these
new cases in Texas, nearly 42 percent involved African Americans. HIV/
AIDS is an issue that affects all of us, according to the U.N., 2.9
million people died of AIDS in 2006; further there are now 39.5 million
people living with HIV around the world.
The $5.1 billion provided in H.R. 2764 for HIV/AIDS prevention,
treatment, care programs, TB and Malaria assistance programs is
desperately needed to resolve human suffering. It is also 33 percent
above FY 2007 and 13 percent more than the President requested.
Mr. Chairman, as a member of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the
Middle East and South Asia, I know how important it is for the United
States to be engaged in the quest for peace in the Middle East. That is
why I am pleased that the bill provides $2.4 billion in assistance for
Israel, our strong ally, and the only flourishing democracy in that
region.
Another key ally, Egypt, warrants our continued assistance. H.R. 2764
provides $1.3 billion for military grants and $415 million in economic
assistance. However, the bill withholds $200 million of the military
grants until the Secretary of State certifies that Egypt is taking
steps to address human rights concerns by reforming its judiciary and
training its police, as well as addressing concerns about smuggling of
weapons from Egypt to Gaza. Since Egypt has proven itself over the
years to be a reliable friend and partner in the search for peace, I am
confident that the Secretary of State will soon be able to make their
required certification.
While there will be those who have the view that the war in
Afghanistan is over and we should shift our view, the truth is that
Afghanistan is as vital to our Nation now as it was shortly after
September 11. Operation Enduring Freedom was a success in removing the
Taliban leadership and giving the Afghan people new hope; however our
work there is far from done. We must ensure that Afghanistan has a
bright and productive future ahead of itself, in which peace and
prosperity will be possible. The bill provides $1.1 billion in
humanitarian, reconstruction and related assistance to Afghanistan--
including $235 million in counternarcotics funding and $75 million for
programs specifically related to helping women. The measure withholds
all but $225 million of the economic support funds until the Secretary
of State certifies that the national and local governments in
Afghanistan are fully cooperating with U.S.-funded narcotics
eradication and interdiction efforts.
Although there is legitimate concern about what appears to be the
Pakistani Government's disappointing progress in the area of democratic
governance and the rule of law, we must remember Pakistan has proven to
be a strong ally during both the cold war and the current global war on
terror. Pakistan's strategically important location and the firm
support of President Musharraf have played a major role in toppling the
Taliban regime and preventing it from regaining power in Afghanistan.
Pakistan is an important part of our national
[[Page H6953]]
security and critical to regional stability. The bill provides $350
million for general economic assistance and $300 million in foreign
military financing for Pakistan.
Additionally, through various cooperative efforts between the United
States and Pakistan, there has been a marked improvement in such fields
as economic trade and investment, health care, democracy human rights,
education, and science and technology.
Colombia is a vital partner and ally of the United States.
Recognizing the strategic importance of Colombia as I do, I strongly
support the $530.6 million provided for drug interdiction and
eradication efforts in Colombia, coupled with economic development
assistance for drug-affected communities in Latin America.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, let me speak approvingly about the bill's
funding of key State Department operations. H.R. 2764 fully funds the
President's request of $1.8 billion for ongoing security upgrades to
ensure that our embassies remain safe and secure for the tens of
thousands of military and civilian staff serving in roughly 260 posts
worldwide. Additionally, the bill provides $501 million, which is 11
percent above FY 2007 and 3 percent above the President's request, to
fund the participation of over 42,000 individuals in educational,
cultural and professional exchange programs worldwide. I know the value
of these exchange programs. In fact, last year I attended the 6th
Annual Doha Forum in Qatar as an invited panelist at a special
symposium focusing on this very subject.
To conclude, Mr. Chairman, I strongly support H.R. 2764 because it is
an indispensable measure in restoring America's international prestige
and leadership position in the global community. I thank Chairwoman
Lowey on her fine work in bringing this exceptional legislation to the
House floor where it should receive an overwhelmingly favorable vote.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in opposition to two destructive
amendments to the State-Foreign Operations Appropriations bill for
fiscal year 2008.
First, I oppose the amendment offered by my colleague from
Pennsylvania, Mr. Pitts.
This amendment will strike an essential provision in this bill for
preventing the spread of HIV and AIDS around the world. Mr. Pitts'
amendment would strike a provision included in the bill which give the
President greater flexibility and the ability for U.S. funded HIV/AIDS
programs to better respond to the epidemics in each country.
This does not have to be a pro-choice or pro-life debate. In fact, it
is short-sighted for us to think of it that way. This debate should be
about prevention. It should be about providing necessary tools for
proper prevention including providing contraception, ensuring access to
condoms and providing educational information to those in need.
We have the ability to reduce the number of cases of HIV/AIDS around
the world by allowing for greater flexibility in how we implement
prevention funding. Instead of taking an approach where we require that
one-third of all HIV/AIDS prevention funds be spent on abstinence only
programs, that are not only ineffective in preventing sexual activity,
but in fact harmful to the health and well being of young women, we
should be allowing for greater flexibility in how we allocate these
essential funds.
The statistics on the number of cases of HIV around the world are
startling. In 2006, there were 4.2 million new HIV infections.
According to UNAIDS, women and girls make up half of all HIV infections
worldwide. And according to the World Health Organization, unprotected
heterosexual sex is the leading cause of HIV infections around the
world and 80 percent of new infections in sub-Saharan Africa.
Clearly, calls for abstinence alone are not working. We must admit to
ourselves that young people, whether by choice or through coercion, are
engaging in sexual activity. We have the tools to prevent less
unintended pregnancies. We need to use them efficiently and
effectively.
In order for any HIV/AIDS prevention program to be successful, we
must make sure that we use proper prevention tools like condoms and
contraception. I urge my colleagues to oppose the Pitts amendment.
Further, I rise today in strong opposition to the amendment offered
by my colleague from New Jersey, Mr. Smith and my colleague from
Michigan, Mr. Stupak.
Access to contraceptives and condoms is essential to stop the number
of cases of HIV/AIDS around the world. With good reasons, the
Subcommittee under the leadership of Ms. Lowey from New York has
included a provision that will allow foreign organizations that are
currently prohibited from received family planning assistance under the
global gag rule to receive in kind contributions of condoms and
contraceptives.
I believe that the global ``gag rule'' is onerous and should be
lifted because it not only bans foreign non-governmental organizations,
NGOs, from using their own funds to engage in free speech and assembly
activities on a woman's right to choose, but it also prevents health
care providers from counseling the world's poorest women about all
their legal health care options.
But the provisions in this bill do not lift the global gag rule. What
these provisions do is promote proper family planning information and
services. As a basic prevention form of healthcare, family planning
services can improve maternal and child health in developing countries,
lead to better diagnosis and treatment of sexually transmitted
diseases, and reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy and
abortion. The global gag rule has stopped U.S.-donated contraceptives
from reaching 16 countries with people in desperate need in Africa,
Asia and the Middle East. Simply allowing access to contraceptives is a
small and necessary step in prevention.
I urge my colleagues to oppose the Smith amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise and
report the bill back to the House with sundry amendments, with the
recommendation that the amendments be agreed to and that the bill, as
amended, do pass.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mrs.
Tauscher) having assumed the chair, Mr. Pomeroy, Acting Chairman of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 2764)
making appropriations for the Department of State, foreign operations,
and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2008, and
for other purposes, he reported the bill back to the House with sundry
amendments, with the recommendation that the amendments be agreed to
and that the bill, as amended, do pass.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 498, the
previous question is ordered.
Is a separate vote demanded on any amendment reported from the
Committee of the Whole? If not, the Chair will put them en gros.
The amendments were agreed to.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third
reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
Under clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 241,
nays 178, not voting 13, as follows:
[Roll No. 542]
YEAS--241
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bono
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McNerney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
[[Page H6954]]
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pence
Perlmutter
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Ramstad
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shadegg
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NAYS--178
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Berry
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Emerson
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Stark
Stearns
Stupak
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--13
Bonner
Cramer
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Hastert
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Napolitano
Ortiz
Rangel
Sanchez, Loretta
Sullivan
Weiner
{time} 0031
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________