[Page S1888]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                            UNREST IN TIBET

  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to express my concerns about the 
continuing unrest in Tibet and the tragic trend of Tibetan self-
immolations. Since February 2009, more than 100 Tibetans have set 
themselves on fire. Many of the self-immolators have called out for the 
return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet and for China to acknowledge the 
basic human dignity of the Tibetan people.
  Like so many others, I wish that Tibetans would not choose self-
immolations, a horrific act, as a method of protest. I hope Tibetans 
will find other ways to express their grievances and despair and halt 
these self-destructive acts. At the same time, we must understand that 
these sorts of acts are indicative of the deep sense of frustration 
felt by the Tibetan people. This is not a conspiracy of ``foreign 
forces'' but indicative of the deep sense of hopelessness of a people 
denied their basic dignity.
  Under the Chinese Constitution, ``All ethnic groups in the People's 
Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and 
interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the 
relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of 
China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any 
nationality are prohibited. . . .''
  Yet Tibet today is one of the most repressed and closed societies in 
the world, where merely talking on the phone can land you in jail. 
Support for the Dalai Lama can be prosecuted as an offense against the 
State. Tibetans are treated as second class citizens; their travel 
within and outside of Tibetan areas is highly restricted. Foreign 
diplomats and journalists are routinely denied access.
  The American people and Congress have demonstrated an abiding 
interest in the culture, religion, and people of Tibet, as well as a 
deep respect for His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We see Tibet as an issue 
of fundamental justice and fairness, where the fundamental human rights 
of the Tibetan people, as embodied in the PRC's own constitution, are 
not being respected; where their culture is being eroded; and where 
their land is being exploited.
  So I believe that responsibility falls to us to help the Tibetan 
people in their efforts to preserve their culture and identity and have 
a say in their own affairs and to be able to exercise genuine autonomy 
within the PRC.
  Let me offer some thoughts on how Congress can help.
  First, we should continue to fund the important programs that help 
Tibetan communities, both in exile and on the Tibetan plateau. While 
these provide tangible humanitarian results, they also send a critical 
signal to the aggrieved Tibetan population that the United States hears 
their plea.
  One measure with which I am familiar is the Tibetan language 
broadcasts of Radio Free Asia and the Voice of America. I cannot 
overstate the importance of these efforts to provide perhaps the only 
independent source of news to Tibetans who struggle under the heavy 
censorship regime.
  Second, we should embrace the statement last fall by U.N. Human 
Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay on Tibet. She stated that ``social 
stability in Tibet will never be achieved through heavy security 
measures and suppression of human rights.'' She called on Chinese 
authorities to adopt the recommendations of various U.N. bodies and to 
allow access to Tibet by independent international observers and media 
members, noting 12 outstanding requests for official visits to China by 
U.N. Special Rapporteurs on various human rights issues.
  Third, the State Department should continue to insist on access to 
Tibet by its personnel. We need independent and credible reporting on 
the true situation on the ground, and the Department should work with 
China to take steps to see that the principle of reciprocity is 
respected.
  Fourth, I encourage the State Department and other government 
agencies to join in dialogue with China and with others in the region 
to address the deeper strategic aspects of the Tibet issue. Instability 
in Tibet is a factor in the broader question of social stability in the 
entire PRC. Peaceful resolution of the Tibet issue could go a long way 
in demonstrating to the world that China is indeed a responsible and 
constructive member of the community of nations. In turn, Beijing's 
growing influence in the Himalayan belt, especially Nepal, should be 
assessed in a broader dialogue with other nations in the region.
  Likewise, the United States should look for constructive ways to 
engage China on the issue of water security, given that Tibet's rivers 
provide the livelihood for hundreds of millions of people downstream in 
South and Southeast Asia. Chinese diversion of these rivers through 
constructing dams could become a source of conflict in the region.
  Mr. President, I close by paraphrasing an oft-uttered phrase by the 
Dalai Lama. He says that those who raise their voices of concern for 
Tibet do so not because they are pro-Tibet or anti-Chinese. They do so 
because they are pro-justice. I second this remark and look forward to 
working with my colleagues in the Senate, and with China, to promote a 
durable resolution to the Tibet problem.

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