[Page S2151]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                 Israel

  Ms. ROSEN. Mr. President, since October 7, when Hamas launched the 
deadliest terrorist attack in Israel's history, Israel has continued to 
face a barrage of threats from Iran and its terrorist proxies in the 
region. Attacks on Israel, they didn't just happen on October 7. That 
is when it started.
  The resolutions we are debating today will hurt Israel's ability to 
defend itself against these attacks. These resolutions would block 
weapons that are critical to restocking Israel's defenses and deterring 
Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and others.
  Just this weekend, the Houthis launched a ballistic missile attack on 
Israel.
  If passed, these resolutions would embolden more attacks like these 
from Iran and, again, its terrorist proxies. It would send a disastrous 
statement to the world, emboldening terrorism and potentially 
prolonging wars in the region.
  Now, I know some on my side of the aisle are considering supporting 
these resolutions because they may disagree with the current Israeli 
Government. But let's be clear. Support for the U.S.-Israel 
relationship is not an endorsement of all the actions of any one 
Israeli Government, in the same way that other nations' support for 
America does not equal an endorsement of all the actions, well, by the 
Trump administration.
  So I urge my colleagues to stand with and stand for our historic and 
mutually beneficial relationship with Israel and the Israeli people.
  As the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel has been our 
strongest ally in the region, and the passage of these resolutions, 
well, it would damage our bond for years to come.
  Government leaders, politicians, well, they come and go, but our 
commitment to Israel's security must be ironclad.
  Restricting much needed arms to Israel because you don't agree with 
everything the current government is doing will leave our ally 
vulnerable, not only to current threats of terrorism but to future 
threats of terrorism.
  While Israel has an absolute right to defend itself and the aid 
provided to Israel is critical to its defense, I do share the concerns 
of many of my colleagues about the need to limit civilian casualties 
during these conflicts. That is an important reason why I oppose these 
resolutions.
  The joint direct attack munitions, or JDAMs--the very same guidance 
kits that would be restricted by one of these resolutions--would 
actually help convert unguided, dumb bombs into more accurate ones. 
These save civilian lives by enabling the Israeli Air Force to hit 
military targets more precisely than they would without JDAMs.
  By providing Israel with JDAMs, which make weapons more precise and 
more accurate, we are helping Israel to defend itself, while also 
working to minimize civilian casualties.
  The munitions these resolutions would block are also critical because 
Israel continues to face threats from both above and below the ground. 
For this reason, it is essential that Israel be able to reach all their 
military targets, including reinforced concrete structures like terror 
tunnels, weapons depots, factories, and rocket missile sites.
  These resolutions would undermine these capabilities.
  I know many of you here are torn. You want to do what is right for 
Israel, the United States, and the region. And I believe that we all 
share a goal of ending the war between Hamas and Israel, and we all 
look forward to a future without hostilities where the hostages taken 
by Hamas are finally all freed.
  Right now, 59 hostages--only about half of whom are still believed to 
be alive, including a living American hostage--still are in Hamas 
captivity. They are still in Hamas captivity. And I think we can all 
agree that freeing all of these hostages is a fundamental piece to 
ending the war.
  Passing these resolutions could threaten that goal. We have seen 
Hamas harden their stances on negotiations when they perceive gaps 
between the United States and Israel. After almost 550 days--550 days--
the hostages cannot afford to have Hamas delay one day longer.
  So to best ensure the safety and security of Israel and the 
Palestinian people, to end civilian casualties on both sides, and to 
ensure we never ever have another October 7 again, Hamas cannot be 
allowed to remain in power in Gaza in any capacity.
  I still hold hope for a future where two states live side by side in 
peace--a future that is free from Hamas, which has devastated countless 
lives in the region, of both Israelis and Palestinians.
  And the key component of making this a reality is to make sure that 
Israel maintains its qualitative military edge to push Hamas out of 
Gaza for good.
  Passing these resolutions would do the opposite. It would allow Hamas 
to entrench even further in Gaza, believing Israel's stockpiles are 
decimated, allowing them to expand their foothold, emboldening their 
current and future assault of Israelis and oppression of the 
Palestinians.
  Blocking these arms sales will hurt Israel. It will send the wrong 
message to Hamas, to Iran, and to all of its terrorist proxies that 
America is abandoning our ally.
  So I want to be clear. I want to repeat this: The message to 
terrorists, if these bills are passed--the message to terrorists--will 
be that they can continue without impunity.
  If we are serious about preventing another atrocity like October 7, 
if we are serious about limiting civilian casualties, if we are serious 
about ensuring that Israel can defend itself, if we are serious about 
sending a message to terrorists around the globe, if we are serious 
about a stable path forward, and if we are serious about stability in 
the region and a safe and secure State of Israel, someday living 
alongside a peaceful, independent Palestinian State, I urge all of my 
colleagues to vote no on these resolutions.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.

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