[Pages H3257-H3266]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 4016, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2026; PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 3633,
DIGITAL ASSET MARKET CLARITY ACT OF 2025; PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION
OF H.R. 1919, ANTI-CBDC SURVEILLANCE STATE ACT; PROVIDING FOR
CONSIDERATION OF S. 1582, GUIDING AND ESTABLISHING NATIONAL INNOVATION
FOR U.S. STABLECOINS ACT; AND WAIVING A REQUIREMENT OF CLAUSE 6(A) OF
RULE XIII WITH RESPECT TO CONSIDERATION OF CERTAIN RESOLUTIONS REPORTED
FROM THE COMMITTEE ON RULES

Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, by the direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 580 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

H. Res. 580

Resolved, That at any time after adoption of this
resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule
XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of
the bill (H.R. 4016) making appropriations for the Department
of Defense for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2026, and
for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be
dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of
the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the
bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Appropriations or their respective designees.
After general debate the bill shall be considered for
amendment under the five-minute rule. The bill shall be
considered as read. Points of order against provisions in the
bill for failure to comply with clause 2 or clause 5(a) of
rule XXI are waived.
Sec. 2. (a) No amendment to H.R. 4016 shall be in order
except those printed in part A of the report of the Committee
on Rules accompanying this resolution, amendments en bloc
described in section 3 of this resolution, and pro forma
amendments described in section 4 of this resolution.
(b) Each amendment printed in part A of the report of the
Committee on Rules shall be considered only in the order
printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as

[[Page H3258]]

read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report
equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment except as
provided by section 4 of this resolution, and shall not be
subject to a demand for division of the question in the House
or in the Committee of the Whole.
(c) All points of order against amendments printed in part
A of the report of the Committee on Rules or against
amendments en bloc described in section 3 of this resolution
are waived.
Sec. 3. It shall be in order at any time for the chair of
the Committee on Appropriations or his designee to offer
amendments en bloc consisting of amendments printed in part A
of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution not earlier disposed of. Amendments en bloc
offered pursuant to this section shall be considered as read,
shall be debatable for 20 minutes equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Appropriations or their respective designees,
shall not be subject to amendment except as provided by
section 4 of this resolution, and shall not be subject to a
demand for division of the question in the House or in the
Committee of the Whole.
Sec. 4. During consideration of H.R. 4016 for amendment,
the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Appropriations or their respective designees may offer up to
10 pro forma amendments each at any point for the purpose of
debate.
Sec. 5. At the conclusion of consideration of H.R. 4016
for amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill to
the House with such amendments as may have been adopted. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill
and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except one motion to recommit.
Sec. 6. Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in
order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 3633) to
provide for a system of regulation of the offer and sale of
digital commodities by the Securities and Exchange Commission
and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and for other
purposes. All points of order against consideration of the
bill are waived. In lieu of the amendments in the nature of a
substitute recommended by the Committees on Agriculture and
Financial Services now printed in the bill, an amendment in
the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules
Committee Print 119-6, modified by the amendment printed in
part B of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying
this resolution, shall be considered as adopted. The bill, as
amended, shall be considered as read. All points of order
against provisions in the bill, as amended, are waived. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill,
as amended, and on any further amendment thereto, to final
passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of
debate equally divided among and controlled by the chair and
ranking minority member of the Committee on Agriculture or
their respective designees and the chair and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Financial Services or their
respective designees; (2) the further amendment printed in
part C of the report of the Committee on Rules, if offered by
the Member designated in the report, which shall be in order
without intervention of any point of order, shall be
considered as read, shall be separately debatable for the
time specified in the report equally divided and controlled
by the proponent and an opponent, and shall not be subject to
a demand for division of the question; and (3) one motion to
recommit.
Sec. 7. Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in
order to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 1919) to amend
the Federal Reserve Act to prohibit the Federal reserve banks
from offering certain products or services directly to an
individual, to prohibit the use of central bank digital
currency for monetary policy, and for other purposes. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
The amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by
the Committee on Financial Services now printed in the bill
shall be considered as adopted. The bill, as amended, shall
be considered as read. All points of order against provisions
in the bill, as amended, are waived. The previous question
shall be considered as ordered on the bill, as amended, and
on any further amendment thereto, to final passage without
intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally
divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Financial Services or their
respective designees; and (2) one motion to recommit.
Sec. 8. Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in
order to consider in the House the bill (S. 1582) to provide
for the regulation of payment stablecoins, and for other
purposes. All points of order against consideration of the
bill are waived. The bill shall be considered as read. All
points of order against provisions in the bill are waived.
The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the
bill and on any amendment thereto to final passage without
intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally
divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Financial Services or their
respective designees; and (2) one motion to commit.
Sec. 9. The requirement of clause 6(a) of rule XIII for a
two-thirds vote to consider a report from the Committee on
Rules on the same day it is presented to the House is waived
with respect to any resolution reported through the
legislative day of July 18, 2025, relating to the bill (H.R.
4) to rescind certain budget authority proposed to be
rescinded in special messages transmitted to the Congress by
the President on June 3, 2025, in accordance with section
1012(a) of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control
Act of 1974.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia is recognized for
1 hour.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms.
Scanlon), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Georgia?
There was no objection.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, last night the Rules Committee met and
reported a rule, House Resolution 580, providing for consideration of
four measures: H.R. 1919, the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act, under a
closed rule.
The rule provides 1 hour debate, equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Financial Services or
their respective designees and provides one motion to recommit.
Additionally, the rule provides for consideration of H.R. 3633, the
Digital Asset Market Clarity Act of 2025, also known as the CLARITY
Act, under a structured rule.
The rule provides 1 hour of debate, equally divided among and
controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on
Financial Services and the Committee on Agriculture or their respective
designees, provides one motion to recommit, and makes one amendment in
order.

{time} 1230

Further, the rule provides for consideration of S. 1582, the Guiding
and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act, also
known as the GENIUS Act, under a closed rule.
The rule provides 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Financial Services or
their respective designees, and provides for one motion to recommit.
The rule also provides for consideration of H.R. 4016, the Department
of Defense Appropriations Act of 2026, under a structured rule. The
rule provides 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the
chair and ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations or their
respective designees, provides for one motion to recommit, and makes
330 amendments in order.
Finally, the rule provides for same-day consideration of a measure
related to rescissions this week.
Mr. Speaker, we are here today to debate a rule on four pieces of
legislation, beginning with H.R. 1919, the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State
Act.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1919 serves as a critical safeguard against the
financial power and erosion of individual privacy in the United States,
as it would prohibit the Federal Reserve from issuing a central bank
digital currency, CBDC, or using it to conduct monetary policy without
explicit authorization from Congress.
I would like to pose a fundamental question to my colleagues. Should
the Federal Government have the power to monitor, control, or restrict
how Americans use their own hard-earned money? Further, should the
Federal Government be allowed to make such sweeping decisions behind
closed doors without input from the public or their elected
representatives?
At its core, this bill is about ensuring the preservation of personal
financial freedom. The American people have a basic right to financial
privacy. They have the right to spend, save, and manage their money
free from surveillance or interference.
A CBDC would explicitly threaten that right by giving the Federal
Government unprecedented insight into individual transactions and the
potential ability to control or limit access to personal funds.
H.R. 1919 is about one thing: stopping the government from gaining
unchecked power over how Americans

[[Page H3259]]

conduct their financial lives. It ensures that if any form of digital
currency is ever created by the Federal Reserve, it must be debated,
authorized, and legislated by Congress instead of unilaterally
developed by unelected bureaucrats operating behind closed doors.
The potential consequences are too significant to permit unchecked
bureaucratic experimentation with tools that could fundamentally
redefine the relationship between individuals and their government
without clear oversight risks undermining longstanding economic
principles.
Now is the time for Congress to assert its role and ensure that any
future developments uphold the values of transparency, individual
rights, and a market-driven economy.
Next, Mr. Speaker, the rule also provides for the consideration of
H.R. 3633, the Digital Asset Market Clarity Act of 2025, otherwise
known as the CLARITY Act. H.R. 3633 delivers a foundational framework
that has been missing for far too long, which is clear, consistent
rules for digital assets and the innovators building the future of
finance.
For years, American entrepreneurs and developers in the digital asset
space have been forced to navigate a regulatory maze marked by
conflicting guidance, shifting definitions, and enforcement actions in
place of actual rules. These inconsistent conditions have stifled
domestic innovation, discouraged responsible market participation, and
driven capital and talent to more favorable jurisdictions abroad.
H.R. 3633 addresses these issues directly by clarifying the legal
status of digital assets and establishing well-defined regulatory
responsibilities between the SEC and CFTC, creating a more predictable
landscape for market participants while preserving critical investor
protections and maintaining the integrity of U.S. financial markets.
This legislation reasserts the role of Congress in setting national
policy for emerging financial technologies. It ensures that decisions
with far-reaching economic implications are not made through regulatory
overreach but through transparent and deliberative processes.
H.R. 3633 is not only sound regulatory policy but also essential
economic policy. It will help preserve the United States' leadership in
financial innovation, support the growth of compliant digital asset
markets, and provide much-needed certainty to investors, developers,
and regulators alike.
In an increasingly competitive global financial landscape, this
legislation positions the United States to lead with clarity,
credibility, and confidence.
Additionally, Mr. Speaker, the rule provides for consideration of S.
1582, the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S.
Stablecoins Act, otherwise known as the GENIUS Act.
This is not just a stablecoin bill. This is a strategic step toward
modernizing the U.S. financial infrastructure for the digital age while
protecting the interests of consumers, markets, and the Nation.
S. 1582 provides a comprehensive regulatory framework for the
issuance and oversight of payment stablecoins in the United States. It
is designed to support responsible innovation, ensure consumer
protection, and preserve the role of the U.S. dollar in an increasingly
digitized global financial system.
Stablecoins have become an essential component of the digital asset
economy, as they offer faster, lower-cost transactions and expand
access to financial services. In the absence of a clear Federal
framework, however, stablecoin development has outpaced regulation,
leaving investors without consistent protections and businesses without
clear rules of the road.
This legislation changes that by providing clear, enforceable
standards for payment stablecoin issuers, creating practical regulatory
pathways through both State and Federal charters and setting strong
reserve and disclosure requirements to ensure these assets remain
secure and trustworthy.
Critically, this bill prohibits the issuance of algorithmic
stablecoins lacking sufficient collateral, guarding against
destabilizing risks that could ripple through the broader financial
system. Also reinforcing the primacy of the U.S. dollar, this bill
ensures that dollar-backed stablecoins are subject to prudent oversight
and sound risk management.
At a time when other nations are rapidly moving to define the future
of digital finance, S. 1582 ensures the United States takes a prompt
and necessary step forward with clarity, credibility, and confidence.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, this rule provides for consideration of H.R.
4016, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2026.
H.R. 4016 provides the critical funding necessary to ensure the
readiness, modernization, and global strength of the United States
Armed Forces. This bill reflects Congress' enduring commitment to our
national defense and to the brave men and women who dutifully and
selflessly serve this country with distinction.
At a time of rising global threats from strategic competitors, like
China and Russia, to unstable regimes and nonstate actors, America must
remain prepared and ready. Deterrence requires strength, and strength
requires sustained investment, which is exactly what this legislation
delivers.
This bill funds operations, maintenance, personnel, and procurement
across all branches of the military, ensuring that our servicemembers
have the tools, training, and resources they need to succeed in every
domain, including land, air, sea, space, and cyberspace. It provides
for next-generation systems and emerging technologies, strengthens our
nuclear deterrent, and supports investments in cyber capabilities to
defend against 21st century threats.
Importantly, this legislation continues bipartisan efforts to improve
military quality of life, including robust funding for servicemember
pay increases, housing improvements, and family support programs,
believing that those who sacrifice to defend this country should never
have to sacrifice dignity or stability at home.
H.R. 4016 reflects a deep commitment to national security, strategic
deterrence, and support for those who serve. It targets stability,
honors peace through strength, and honors our constitutional duty to
provide for the common defense, reinforcing global stability, and
ensuring that the United States remains ready to respond to emerging
threats with confidence,capability, and conviction.
Mr. Speaker, I look forward to consideration of these pieces of
legislation, urge passage of this rule, and I reserve the balance of my
time.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the rule.
Although Bitcoin has been around for over 15 years, cryptocurrencies
and related decentralized financial products have exploded in the past
few years. Many Americans now own cryptocurrencies, and the industry
has seen significant growth.
At the same time, our laws have not kept up with these novel crypto
products, and there is wide agreement that Congress must update our
laws to appropriately account for crypto assets. However, today's bills
are not the answer to that problem.
The CLARITY and GENIUS Acts are bad legislation. They are industry-
written bills that give the crypto industry everything it wants at the
expense of retail investors, consumers, and the overall health of our
financial system. These bills are products of the D.C. swamp that so
many of our colleagues usually condemn.

{time} 1240

Mr. Speaker, every time our Republican colleagues write a finance
bill, it leaves us less safe and more prone to financial crisis. We saw
the very real consequences of this when Silicon Valley Bank failed in
2023. That failure was the direct result of Republican legislation that
exempted Silicon Valley Bank from Dodd-Frank Act regulations.
GOP proponents of that bill had argued, without evidence, that Dodd-
Frank was too onerous and that big banks needed regulatory relief, but
it only took a couple of years for their disastrous deregulatory agenda
to lead exactly where we all knew it would, with billions of dollars of
customer deposits evaporating overnight and with the Federal Government
bailing out the bank's uninsured depositors.
This time, Republicans are at it again with two bills that will
create a weak and ineffective regulatory regime for cryptocurrencies
and stablecoins,

[[Page H3260]]

allowing exchanges and insurers to continue risky, fraudulent, and
illegal practices with limited oversight by the SEC or Commodity
Futures Trading Commission.
These bills give the crypto industry exactly what it wants. They get
the illusion of a real regulatory regime and the legitimacy that would
bestow. They get weak rules that can be exploited and manipulated for
financial gain, and they get enforcement mechanisms that are so meager
and underfunded that they won't deter bad actors.
We have seen what deregulation gets us. It got us the 2008 financial
crisis. It gets us bankruptcies and bailouts, and it ultimately leaves
hardworking Americans holding the bag while CEOs get golden parachutes.
It is not like we are talking about deregulating some benign
financial product. Crypto stands out as a uniquely risky asset. From
the invention of bitcoin until now, the primary demonstrated uses for
cryptocurrencies have been speculation, fraud, and money laundering.
You can't really use crypto to buy anything. The coins themselves
aren't backed by any profits, assets, or other tangible property. While
we have been hearing about all the wonders of the blockchain for over a
decade, shockingly few companies actually use it in a way that is
essential to their business.
In practice, the main real-life-use case for crypto is money
laundering. Crypto is used by Mexican cartels to launder their proceeds
from drugs trafficked into the United States. Terrorist organizations
fund their operations with crypto, and countries like North Korea use
cryptocurrencies to avoid U.S. sanctions and fund their nuclear weapons
programs.
In fact, bitcoin and Tether are the payment methods of choice for the
fentanyl manufacturers in China that supply the Mexican cartels, as
well as other fentanyl traffickers inside the United States. These
criminal organizations rely on crypto, and the legislation under
consideration today will not disrupt that illegal commerce.
The CLARITY and GENIUS Acts will not do anything to prevent crypto
from being used to break our laws or fund fentanyl deaths and senior
fraud. These bills do not provide any meaningful regulations to ensure
that issuers and exchanges fully comply with anti-money laundering
laws. Add to this that cryptocurrencies are used to facilitate billions
of dollars' worth of fraud against Americans each year. This fraud
comes in the form of scams, especially those targeting seniors, where
fraudsters trick people into purchasing fake crypto products and then
run off with the money, leaving the seniors with no recourse.
Then there is the institutional fraud, the fraud that comes from the
crypto companies themselves. Here we also have a long list of examples,
the most notable being the fall and bankruptcy of cryptocurrency
exchange FTX, which incorporated itself in The Bahamas to avoid
American regulatory scrutiny, gambled with customer funds, and
ultimately left its customers penniless because of fraudulent business
practices.
There is no other way around it. The CLARITY and GENIUS Acts will not
stop these types of fraud from happening, and they will leave regular
investors on the hook if they are victims of fraud.
The other glaring omission in these bills is they do nothing to stop
the abuse of cryptocurrencies and stablecoins as tools for bribery and
influence peddling. As President Trump and his allies have demonstrated
on a daily basis, any politician can issue a crypto asset, own the
majority of tokens, and then anyone who wants to buy that politician's
attention or votes can just invest in the asset. There is no oversight
or disclosure requirement. There is deniability on both sides of the
transaction. Any person, any foreign country can bribe and buy
politicians through cryptocurrency like this. Those who have purchased
such coins have been open about their motivations for doing so.
Right before his inauguration, President Trump issued his own coin,
the Trump coin, for which he is the majority owner. Millions of dollars
of questionable funds, including funds from foreigners and foreign
governments, have flowed into this coin, as well as his companies,
Trump Media and World Liberty Financial.
All in all, it is estimated that President Trump has netted $1
billion from those crypto schemes, taking advantage of the Office of
the President to enrich him and his family.
During the 2024 election, crypto companies donated millions of
dollars to elect the President. After he was elected, they donated
millions more to his inaugural committee. It is notable that in his
first 6 months in office, Trump has dismantled all the regulators that
oversee the financial and crypto industries, dropped criminal charges
and investigations against various crypto companies, pardoned a crypto
exchange that pleaded guilty to abetting money laundering, and pardoned
the former owner of the Silk Road who was responsible for selling
hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of drugs on the deep web.
Apparently, anyone who seeks to buy influence in this White House
simply has to find one of the President's companies or meme coins and
make a sizable investment. Emiratis and Saudis are investing in Trump's
crypto assets to curry favor. People looking for pardons, dismissals,
or preferential regulatory treatment are taking advantage of the Trump
crypto scheme. Lawyers and lobbyists are advertising to clients that
they can buy a pardon for the right price. It is easily the biggest
potential corruption scandal in our Nation's Presidential history.

If there is any crypto regulation we need right now, it is a bright-
line prohibition on any elected official profiting off a crypto asset.
Mr. Speaker, this year marks the 15th anniversary of the Supreme
Court's Citizens United decision, which paved the way for corporations
and billionaires to spend unlimited money in our elections. Because of
this ruling, anyone, for the right price, can buy their preferred
outcomes in our elections and in Congress. One need look no further
than Elon Musk and the crypto bills that we are considering today to
see the impact of the Citizens United decision.
We all know about the millions that Musk poured into the Trump
campaign and the White House access he was granted before their abrupt
split recently, but the crypto industry also spent a lot of money. It
spent money to make these bills happen.
Over the past few years, the crypto industry has emerged as one of
the biggest and most aggressive political spenders in American
politics. In the 2024 election, crypto emerged as the biggest corporate
spender, accounting for nearly half of all the corporate money spent.
Crypto outspent every other business lobby by tens of millions of
dollars.
While the crypto industry's political spending is enormous, what
really sets it apart is the brazenness with which the industry buys
influence in Washington. Usually, it is hard to exactly pinpoint a
direct relationship between political spending and outcomes, but crypto
spending is so in your face that we can actually put a price on these
bills.
All in all, the CLARITY and GENIUS Acts cost the crypto industry
about $245 million, and that is a conservative figure. That is just the
money spent on 2024 campaigns. If you count money spent to hire
expensive lobbyists to come to Congress and ply Representatives with
industry talking points, the number is even higher.
Crypto's $245 million was spent supporting candidates who backed the
industry and defeating candidates who did not. Crypto got a good return
on its investment. In the overwhelming majority of races that crypto
principals invested in, they got their preferred candidate. Now crypto
companies have been able to write their own regulations to ensure they
won't face serious scrutiny or oversight, meaning that fraud and money
laundering will continue unabated, and investors will be on the hook
when the next crypto crisis happens.
Fifteen years after the Citizens United decision, these bills are the
direct result. Crypto is a textbook example of the consequences of that
decision. The question before us today is, how should cryptocurrencies
be regulated? The answer we are getting is with regulations provided by
the crypto industry itself.
Fifteen years later, Citizens United has been an unmitigated disaster
for

[[Page H3261]]

our country. Unlimited spending in politics has corroded our democracy.
It has bred cynicism and nihilism in the political process. It has made
Americans feel disenfranchised and powerless. It says to every
American, your voice doesn't count unless you can pay to play.

{time} 1250

Mr. Speaker, we have a political system where any company or any rich
person can pay for advertisements, pay for lobbyists, donate to
campaigns and PACs and super-PACs, all to buy influence and get their
desired outcomes from Congress or the White House.
Time and time again, in every sector of our economy, corporations and
the rich have won in Congress, in the courts, in the rulemaking
process, and even in decisionmaking by enforcement agencies.
We see the consequences of Citizens United everywhere we turn. It is
the reason corporations can screw over workers and consumers with no
penalty.
It is why every part of the economy is monopolized by two or three
companies that sell poor products and give bad service. It is why we
are diving headfirst into a global climate crisis and doing nothing
about it.
It is why every time someone runs for office on a platform of putting
people over profits, they have to endure attacks from super-PACs
supported by billionaires or business interests. Our democracy will
remain imperiled so long as the mega-rich can buy influence, votes, and
elections.
If anyone was unsure of the consequences posed by Citizens United in
2010, it is now clear, beyond any doubt, that the decision was an
abject failure for the country. We have to overturn Citizens United,
get dark money out of politics, and make sure our government is
accountable to voters and not donors.
To my colleagues here in the House, we don't need to end campaign
spending for Members of Congress to do the right thing. Integrity
doesn't require authorizing legislation. We cannot allow big money
donors to buy or bully Congress. We need to do the right thing.
Mr. Speaker, today's rule also provides for consideration of the
fiscal year 2026 Defense appropriations bill. Since taking the majority
in the House, Republicans have unfortunately abandoned any pretense of
bipartisan compromise to promote our national security by loading every
defense bill with radical, rightwing policy riders. These riders have
turned what was once a rare area of bipartisan consensus into yet
another partisan divide.
This time around, Republicans have loaded the national defense bill
with provisions to prevent female servicemembers from accessing
reproductive healthcare. They have given a green light to
discrimination against LGBTQ servicemembers.
This bill does nothing to address the gross mismanagement of the
Pentagon by Pete Hegseth, a man who has leaked classified intelligence,
who spends more time in front of his Pentagon makeup mirror and doing
press stunts than effectively managing the Armed Forces, and who has
prioritized support for bigotry and weird cultural war obsessions like
changing the pictures on the Pentagon's website and renaming military
bases after Confederate icons.
When this bill is combined with the money spent by Republicans in the
One Big Beautiful Bill Act, the United States is on track to spend over
$1 trillion on defense. Every year, we spend more and more on defense.
It is not clear that taxpayers are getting a good deal.
After years of consolidation and lax antitrust enforcement, the
defense industry has ossified around five major prime contractors, each
with a degree of specialization. That means only two or three companies
ever compete for major contracts.
The consequences of this consolidation can be found across the
defense industrial base. We don't make enough of the weapons and
platforms that we need. Production for major platforms is often beset
by delays and cost overruns. We spend billions on studies and research
programs that don't lead anywhere. Production timelines are always
being extended. Delivery times are delayed, and per-unit costs are
increased.
In the face of these glaring business inefficiencies, Congress and
the Pentagon always give the contractors what they ask for and ask for
very little in return.
We need to replenish our weapons stockpiles. We need to quickly field
next-generation military assets like the Columbia submarine and the B-
21 Raider. We need to bolster supply chains that support this
production. We need to ensure that the Nation has the industrial
capacity to respond to a sustained major conflict anywhere in the
world.
In order for us to achieve these goals, meet our national security
needs, and support our servicemembers, Congress needs to perform real
oversight over the Pentagon and defense contractors.
In my time in Congress, I have supported multiple efforts to require
the Pentagon to perform a clean audit with tangible enforcement
mechanisms to ensure compliance. In each case, these efforts haven't
garnered the votes for passage because at the end of the day, this body
has not been willing to hold the Pentagon and defense industry's feet
to the fire.
The Pentagon has failed to complete seven audits in a row. That is
seven. Until the Pentagon faces real consequences for being unable to
account for the billions of taxpayer dollars it spends every year and
failing to comply with congressional oversight, we will never have
accountability.
At a time when our Republicans' quest to root out waste, fraud, and
abuse has led them to slash funding for American's healthcare and
hunger relief, it is astonishing they are willing to write yet another
blank check to the Department of Defense with no questions asked,
despite growing evidence of cost overruns, mismanagement, and more.
At the end of the day, I want our servicemembers to have every single
advantage over our adversaries. I want them to have all the tools,
platforms, resources, and weapons systems we can provide. I don't want
taxpayers to get a bad deal. I don't want to waste money on overpriced
defense contracts that overpromise and underdeliver.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Moore of North Carolina). Members are
reminded to refrain from engaging in personalities toward the
President.

Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, for the Record, supporters of cryptocurrency
exercised their First Amendment right last election and contributed to
many candidates.
In fact, those supporters spent over $50 million in support of
Democrat candidates. Supporters of cryptocurrency are not just
Republicans or Democrats. These are Americans who are very eager to see
us pass the most important legislation for the cryptocurrency industry
in history this week.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina
(Ms. Foxx), our Rules Committee chairwoman.
Ms. FOXX. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Georgia for yielding
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and the underlying
legislation. The four separate measures being considered under this
rule all have a singular commonality. They serve to put American
interests first, where they should always be.
All of us can agree that within the global markets, and on the global
stage, America must always remain competitive and stand tall. That is
not sometimes. That is not occasionally. That is not part of the time.
That is always.
From protecting consumer privacy to ushering in a new era of
financial innovation, providing for the common defense of the Nation to
strengthening the dominance of the American dollar, these pieces of
legislation are as consequential as they are vital.
This is the caliber of legislation that the American people expect
our Republican majority to deliver. Republicans here in the people's
House continue to exceed that mark. We have done it many times before,
and this week, we will do it again.
One of the four bills being considered under this rule is H.R. 4016,
the Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2026. This legislation
provides for appropriations for the DOD for the fiscal year ending on
September 30, 2026.

[[Page H3262]]

Mr. Speaker, you know as well as I do that Congress' first solemn
responsibility, one of many, is to provide for the common defense of
the Nation.
In total, H.R. 4016 provides $831.5 billion and adheres to the
budgetary top line put forward in the President's FY26 budget request.
Consider for a moment the provisions contained within this
legislation that uphold Congress' responsibility.
Mr. Speaker, there is $189 billion for Active-Duty, Reserve, and
National Guard military personnel, which is $6.6 billion above the
fiscal year 2025 enacted level. There is an increase of 3.8 percent in
basic pay for all military personnel beginning January 1 of next year.
There are sizeable investments in research and development, procurement
efforts, and operation and maintenance.
Mr. Speaker, I will vote ``yes'' on the rule and ``yes'' on the four
underlying measures, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

{time} 1300

Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an
amendment to the rule to make in order amendment No. 50 to H.R. 3633,
offered by Representative Khanna, which requires the Attorney General
to preserve and release any records related to Jeffrey Epstein.
I applaud my colleagues, Representative Veasey and Khanna, for their
work to release the Epstein files. I strongly support these efforts and
the release of the files.
Last night, at the Rules Committee, Republicans rejected an amendment
that would have required the Department of Justice to release the
Epstein files, multiple criminal investigations which allegedly
documented trafficking of young women and girls by Jeffrey Epstein, a
sex offender and financier with whom the President often socialized.
For years, the President and those in his orbit, including Attorney
General Pam Bondi and FBI Director Kash Patel, alleged that prior
administrations had covered up the identities of the rich and powerful
people to whom Epstein had trafficked the girls and the facts
surrounding his allegedly suspicious death.
They came into office pledging to seek accountability for the
horrific crimes by revealing Epstein's client list and other
information, but recently backtracked and refused to release any
further information.
There appear to be only two explanations for this about-face. Either
the Epstein files did not contain the explosive information that Trump
and his allies claimed during his campaign, or this administration is
the one covering up what is in the files.
Last night, all the Republicans on the Rules Committee except one
voted against releasing the files.
Why would they try to prevent the truth about Epstein's abuse and
those he enabled from coming out? That is anybody's guess.
With this previous question, the entire Republican Conference has the
opportunity to correct that mistake. They can vote today to release the
Epstein files.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my
amendment into the Record, along with any extraneous material,
immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Pennsylvania?
There was no objection.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Veasey), who is the sponsor of the resolution directing the
Trump administration to release the Epstein files to discuss our
proposal.
Mr. VEASEY. Mr. Speaker, yes, the resolution was voted down by
Republicans last night, so let's speak the truth because there are two
Americas right now.
In their America, billionaires can buy silence, sweep crimes under
the rug, and count on friends in high places to protect them. In our
America, Mr. Speaker, if you break the law, you are held accountable.
In their America, wealth and power buy secrecy. In our America,
justice demands sunlight and truth.
In their America, underage girls are treated like disposable property
by predators who believe they will never face consequences. In our
America, victims deserve justice, and the predators should face the
full weight of the law.
Time and time again, this administration has chosen them--the
billionaires, the elite, the people who think children are theirs to
exploit--over us, the American people.
Time and time again, they have looked into the cameras and promised
the American people: We will release the Epstein files.
We heard it over and over again: We will tell you the truth.
When the moment of truth comes, they slam the door shut. Why? It is
because their loyalty is not to justice. It is about protecting the
rich, the famous, and the powerful, no matter how monstrous their
crimes are.
Meanwhile, Republicans in this Chamber are working overtime to gut
healthcare for 17 million Americans, to rip food off families' tables,
and to kill good-paying jobs in their so-called big, ugly bill.
When it comes to exposing the powerful predators who preyed on
underage girls, suddenly, they have nothing to say. That is because
they think there is one set of rules for billionaires and another for
the rest of us. They think the American people will forget, that we
will stop asking questions, and that we will let them keep secrets.
Let me be crystal clear: This is not about partisanship. This is
about people. It is our America. No one, no matter how rich, famous, or
well-connected, is above the law.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Texas.
Mr. VEASEY. Mr. Speaker, in our America, no one is beyond
accountability. We will not forget. We will not look away. We will not
stop demanding the truth.
We demand the immediate release of the Epstein files--no more games,
no more lies, and no more protection for predators hiding behind the
rich and powerful.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, my colleagues are referring to a tactic Democrats
employed, yet again, to try to take control of the House of
Representatives through the Rules Committee. They did so because they
are desperate to stop us from passing the most important cryptocurrency
legislation in the history of our country and because they are, for
whatever reason, desperate to stop us from bringing forward our
legislation that funds our brave military.
The Republican majority is not going to hand the keys to the House of
Representatives to a caucus that, on a daily basis, impugns and
denigrates the 77 million Americans who voted for President Trump.

To my friends watching at home who support bitcoin and
cryptocurrency: Make no mistake. Members of Congress who vote against
the rule today are voting against the most important legislation for
the cryptocurrency industry in history.
I beseech my colleagues who appreciate, support, and invest in
cryptocurrency to study today's vote. Do not let those who vote against
us today come around during election time to ask for support as they
claim to fight for this incredible industry. Judge them by their vote
today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs.
Houchin).
Mrs. HOUCHIN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for
yielding, and I congratulate him for managing his first rule on the
House floor. His constituents are lucky to have him representing them
in the House of Representatives.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and the underlying
legislation. This is an important week in the House as we take up
legislation to fund our military and advance several key financial
services bills, including efforts to establish a clear market structure
for cryptocurrency and protect Americans' financial privacy by blocking
a surveillance-style central bank digital currency.
Let me begin with the Defense appropriations bill. Chairman Calvert
and his team have, once again, delivered a strong, thoughtful proposal
that makes

[[Page H3263]]

strategic investments in American military superiority, strengthens our
southern border, and, most importantly, takes care of our troops and
their families.
I am especially proud that the rule makes in order several of my
amendments, including those that highlight the importance of continued
support for the advanced combat engine and innovative semiconductor
production, two areas critical to our national security and future
readiness.
On the financial services front, as a former member of the Financial
Services Committee, I am encouraged to see Chairman Hill and Chairman
Thompson leading the charge to ensure America remains a global leader
in the fintech sector.
This package brings regulatory clarity to the digital asset
ecosystem, promotes market innovation, and protects Americans'
financial freedom and privacy by prohibiting the Federal Reserve from
issuing a CBDC without congressional approval.
These bills are the product of years of thoughtful, collaborative
work, some of which I was proud to contribute to.
These bills ensure that we remain a leader in the digital asset
ecosystem and will strengthen the U.S. dollar as a global currency.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the passage of this rule and all of these bills.
Finally, to our friends on the other side of the aisle regarding the
amendment that was offered in our Rules Committee last night that
several Republicans voted against, it is a stretch on germaneness,
although it was ruled germane. I do find it incredibly interesting that
our colleagues on the other side of the aisle suddenly want to force
this issue because it is politically expedient, even though they did
not release any of it when they were in charge.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this is a debate about what Congress should be
considering, and my amendment would simply allow Congress to express
its will with respect to the release of the Epstein files. This is
something our Republican colleagues and certainly key members of the
Trump administration have been talking about for years until their
recent about-face.
Congress can express its will. We would like to have it put up for a
vote. It doesn't block any votes on the crypto bills or the Defense
Department funding.
We think that the administration should release these files. It
really is a little confusing, I think, why suddenly our Republican
colleagues are blocking this, but perhaps it was a mistake. At least
one Republican voted with Democrats last night to release the files, so
this would just give all of our colleagues the opportunity to say what
they have been saying for so many years, that the Epstein files should
be released.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Khanna).

{time} 1310

Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, last night, the Speaker's Rules Committee
voted to block my amendment that called for the full release of the
Epstein files while protecting the victims' identity.
Let's just be clear. They voted to protect rich and powerful men who
were abusing, assaulting, and abandoning young women. That is what this
vote is about.
A nation that chooses impunity for the rich and the powerful at the
expense of children is a nation that has lost its moral purpose.
You ask why did they vote this way? Let's speak plainly. It is
because these rich and powerful men donate to the politicians in
Washington, D.C., and play golf with the elites in Washington, D.C.
They are foreign leaders who we don't want to offend. They interact
with our intelligence agencies that we don't want to disobey. There is
something rotten in Washington.
This is a question of whose side are you on. Are you on the side of
the people? Are you on the side of America's children? Or are you on
the side of the rich and powerful who have had their thumb on the
scales and shafted Americans for decades?
We are going to get a vote again this afternoon. I hope people will
find the courage of a Republican like Ralph Norman or a Republican like
Marjorie Taylor Greene or a Republican like Thomas Massie or the many
MAGA Republicans who are demanding the full release of the Epstein
files. It is not a question just of Epstein. It is a question of trust
in our democracy. It is a question of restoring a government of the
people, by the people, and for the people.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from California.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, it is a question of the rebirth of a nation
that stands for our children. I hope everyone in this up-or-down vote
will vote to make sure that the Epstein files are released while
protecting victims' identity.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I join the millions of Americans who want accountability for anyone
who committed crimes with Jeffrey Epstein. But I ask you: Can you
really trust the same radical leftists who presided over one of the
greatest scandals in American history, a coup in Joe Biden's White
House in which unelected staff actively sought the destruction of our
country?
Can you really trust the same radial leftists who sought to segregate
those of us who opted to make medical decisions for ourselves during
the COVID-19 pandemic?
Can you really trust the same radical leftists who have spent the
last decade trying and failing, trying and failing, and trying and
failing to tear down President Trump, one of the greatest Presidents in
American history?
Can you really trust those same people, who are trying to stop us
from passing the most important cryptocurrency legislation in history
and appropriations to fund our brave military today?
A vote against today's rule is a vote against cryptocurrency and our
Department of Defense.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Utah (Mr.
Kennedy).
Mr. KENNEDY of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman
from Georgia, for this opportunity to speak.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule for H.R. 3633, the
Digital Asset Market Clarity Act of 2025 and H.R. 1919, the Anti-CBDC
Surveillance State Act. Together, these bills provide much needed
clarity on digital asset regulation and ensure critical consumer
protections so Americans retain their financial freedom.
Before basketball became the great sport that we know and love, it
needed rules. Without structure, the game could not grow and thrive.
The same is true for digital assets.
Innovation depends on clear, reliable guardrails. For too long, this
space has been clouded by legal uncertainty and regulation by
enforcement, leaving the industry without direction and consumers
without protection.
The CLARITY Act addresses that gap. It defines the role of the SEC
and CFTC, establishes clear rules of the road for responsible
innovation, and protects the rights of Americans to hold and use their
own digital property.
At the same time, the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act, which I
cosponsor, defends the foundational principles of financial freedom. A
government-run central bank digital currency would allow unelected
bureaucrats to surveil, program, and ultimately control how Americans
spend their money. This legislation protects Americans by ensuring the
Fed cannot issue CBDCs to individuals.
Last year, Representative Tyler Clancy and I, in the State of Utah,
passed a law banning CBDC, but we all recognize that State laws cannot
pertain or prevail throughout the country. This bill allows us to
establish security and protections for the American people all over our
country.
When the Chinese Communist Party thinks CBDC is a good idea, I think
that tells us exactly how we should vote, against CBDC.
These bills promote free market innovation, protect privacy, and
ensure the next generation of finance is built on American values, not
Federal overreach.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

[[Page H3264]]

I am not sure what the gentleman from Georgia is talking about when
he says that my amendment is offered as a product of radical leftists.
I know that it is rare in D.C., but this amendment actually has broad
bipartisan support, from the far right, from the far left, and from the
middle.
We just want to release the Epstein files. That is why we have
offered the amendment, and this body has the opportunity to vote on it.
I don't understand why my Republican colleagues are suddenly so
adamant about throwing up procedural hurdles to have the Epstein files
released.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Sherman).
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I worked hard in school, but the grade I am
proudest of is getting the first F ever issued by the crypto industry.
This rule prohibits you from considering two amendments that had
total support from Democrats and total rejection from Republicans in
the Financial Services Committee.
The first prohibits the use of taxpayer money to buy crypto. Trump
has already said he wants what he calls a strategic reserve of crypto.
If you vote against this rule, you are voting to allow him to buy
bitcoin or Trump coin with taxpayer money. That second amendment, also
prohibited by this rule, says that taxpayer money will not be used to
bail out stablecoin or other crypto assets.
We have already seen dozens of scandals since Sam Bankman-Fried, but
now the industry can say we have got total power in Congress. They gave
us just a patina of regulation, and if there is ever a problem with
your crypto assets, we will get you bailed out.
This rule is incredibly hypocritical. It tells us that we are
supposed to be for innovation and blockchain. Then it calls for the
prohibition of the Fed having blockchain or any electronic use of the
U.S. dollar.
The Constitution says currency is what the U.S. Congress should
control, but this bill will say that the dollar must use George
Washington technology while China can have a digital yuan and the
crypto bros can have hidden digital money.
It is not surprising that President Trump was against crypto until he
realized that he could make hundreds of millions for his campaign and
billions for his family by signing up with the crypto bros.
This is crypto week. It is also tax evaders month, national drug
dealers' day, and human traffickers Tuesday.
Vote ``no'' on this rule. Release the Epstein files. Don't try to
distract us and say that the reason we can't protect girls in this
country is because --
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has
expired.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from California.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, don't tell us we can't release the Epstein
files because you hate Joe Biden or because you hate leftists. People
on the right, people in the center, and everyone who wants to protect
girls in America says to release the Epstein files now.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Allen). Members are reminded to direct
their comments to the Chair.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from West
Virginia (Mr. Moore) to speak to the most important cryptocurrency
legislation in the history of our country.

{time} 1320

Mr. MOORE of West Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Jack) for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the CLARITY Act, the GENIUS Act,
and the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act.
I am a cosponsor, actually, of the CLARITY Act, which creates clear,
enforceable rules for digital commodity markets and gives innovators
confidence to build here in the United States of America.
Similarly, the GENIUS Act establishes a dollar-backed stablecoin,
reinforcing the U.S. dollar's dominance in global financial markets.
Finally, the anti-CBDC legislation ensures that we never enact a CCP-
like financial surveillance regime in this country.
Together, these bills ensure that the U.S. remains the world leader
in digital asset innovation. I encourage my colleagues to support these
commonsense pieces of legislation.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North
Carolina (Mr. Moore).
Mr. MOORE of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, digital assets are not some
future concept. They are already a key part of our financial system,
and Washington needs to start acting like it. Nearly one in three
Americans have used them in some form, and we cannot afford to let our
adversaries, especially the Chinese Communist Party, write rules for
this new financial frontier as we sit on the sidelines.
That is why we are advancing these three critical pieces of
legislation to make sure that America stays the world leader in
financial innovation.
Under the Biden administration, America's innovators operated in a
cloud of legal uncertainty, at best. Folks had to choose between
dealing with outdated rules or taking their ideas overseas. The Trump
administration, however, has taken a much more forward-thinking
approach, and now it is Congress' turn to step up.
The CLARITY Act changes this to establish clear regulatory language
that allows for the protection of consumers, while also giving
innovators the certainty that they need to build and grow right here in
the United States.
Stablecoins have shown real promise for faster, cheaper payments at
home and abroad. They have opened access to the U.S. dollar for people
who have never had that kind of financial stability before. Yet, while
the private sector has raced ahead, Washington has been stuck.
The GENIUS Act fixes that. It gives stablecoin issuers a regulatory
framework for strong reserves, real redemption rights, and smart risk
management.
Finally, the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act is about protecting
liberty. It blocks the Federal Government from launching a central bank
digital currency that could be used to track or control how law-abiding
citizens spend their dollars.
Together, with these three bills, this is a big step forward.
President Trump is making American leadership in financial tech a
priority. These bills reflect that vision with clear rules, strong
protections, and a real momentum to keep the dollar at the heart of
global finance.
Let's make crypto great again.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, last night in the Committee on Rules, my Democratic
colleagues and I offered multiple amendments to try to improve the
crypto bills.
We offered amendments to prevent the President and his closest
relatives from profiting off of crypto while he is in office. We
offered amendments to protect investors and consumers and allow the
kind of government oversight that is needed to protect our economy.
All of these amendments were rejected by committee Republicans.
Last night, as we discussed the Defense spending bill, we also
pressed Republicans on how military families will be impacted by the
Medicaid cuts in Republicans' big, ugly bill.
About 850,000 military families on TRICARE also receive healthcare
through Medicaid, particularly children with special needs. Those
families may now see their health benefits cut or taken away as a
result of the big, ugly bill. That issue was not addressed in the
Defense spending bill.
Our Republican colleagues didn't want to hear it, and I doubt we will
be able to prevent them from proceeding with this misguided crypto
legislation today.
Yet, I will say this: If these bills become law, we can predict many
more crypto scandals and crises and money laundering. A lot of people
will lose a lot of money, and no one will face accountability for
taking advantage of retail investors. I hope that day doesn't come, but
it is bills like this that will determine the future of our financial
system.
Do we want a system that promotes speculation, bubbles, Ponzi
schemes, and frauds or one that promotes investment in innovative and
productive businesses that grow the real economy in ways that benefit
all Americans?

[[Page H3265]]

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the PQ and rule,
and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, this week, the House has the ability to advance four
pieces of legislation under this rule:
H.R. 1919, the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State Act prohibits the Federal
Reserve from issuing a central bank digital currency, CBDC, that
undermines Americans' rights to financial privacy.
H.R. 3633, the Digital Asset Market Clarity Act of 2025, also known
as the CLARITY Act, establishes clear, functional requirements for
digital asset market participants, prioritizing consumer protection
while fostering innovation.
S. 1582, the GENIUS Act provides a clear regulatory framework for the
issuance of payment stablecoins in the U.S.
H.R. 4016, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2026,
provides critical resources to strengthen military readiness, support
servicemembers and their families, invest in next-generation defense
capabilities, and ensure that the United States can meet global threats
with confidence and resolve.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in voting ``yes'' on the
previous question and ``yes'' on the rule, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of
three key pieces of legislation regarding cryptocurrency and our
financial markets.
The GENIUS Act, the CLARITY Act, and the Anti-CBDC Surveillance State
Act are all critical bills that will help make America the crypto
capital of the world. These bills provide simplified rules of the road
for the crypto industry, which so desperately needs these provisions to
flourish. Specifically, they create federal standards for stablecoins,
provide clear definitions for different digital assets, and prohibit
the Federal Reserve from issuing its central bank digital currency.
We are in another arms race with our adversaries over cryptocurrency
and blockchain dominance, like China and Russia. These are historic
pieces of legislation that will make America the crypto capital of the
world, which is a priority of President Trump and his administration.
The United States must remain the world's leader in innovation. Under
President Trump's leadership, we are finally on track for regulatory
clarity, market protection, and innovation without fear of government
overreach.
Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to support these bills.
The material previously referred to by Ms. Scanlon is as follows:

An Amendment to H. Res. 580 Offered by Ms. Scanlon of Pennsylvania

At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 10. Notwithstanding any other provision of this
resolution, the amendment specified in section 11 shall be in
order as though printed as the last amendment in part C of
the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution if offered by Representative Khanna of California
or a designee. That amendment shall be debatable for 10
minutes equally divided and controlled by the proponent and
an opponent.
Sec. 11. The amendment referred to in section 10 is as
follows:
Add at the end the following:

SEC. 513. PRESERVATION AND RELEASE OF RECORDS.

(a) The Attorney General shall retain, preserve, and
compile any records or evidence related to any investigation,
prosecution, or incarceration of Jeffrey Epstein.
(b) Not later than 30 days after the date of the enactment
of this Act, the Attorney General shall release and publish
any records or evidence related to any investigation,
prosecution, or incarceration of Jeffrey Epstein on a
publicly accessible website.

Mr. JACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Steube). The question is on ordering the
previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of adoption of the resolution and the motion to suspend
the rules and pass H.R. 1717.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 211,
nays 210, not voting 11, as follows:

[Roll No. 194]

YEAS--211

Aderholt
Alford
Allen
Amodei (NV)
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Barr
Barrett
Baumgartner
Bean (FL)
Begich
Bentz
Bergman
Bice
Biggs (AZ)
Biggs (SC)
Bilirakis
Boebert
Bost
Brecheen
Bresnahan
Buchanan
Burchett
Burlison
Calvert
Cammack
Carey
Carter (TX)
Ciscomani
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Collins
Comer
Crane
Crank
Crawford
Crenshaw
Davidson
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Downing
Dunn (FL)
Edwards
Ellzey
Emmer
Estes
Evans (CO)
Ezell
Fallon
Fedorchak
Feenstra
Fine
Finstad
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flood
Fong
Foxx
Franklin, Scott
Fry
Fulcher
Garbarino
Gill (TX)
Gimenez
Goldman (TX)
Gonzales, Tony
Gooden
Gosar
Graves
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hageman
Hamadeh (AZ)
Haridopolos
Harrigan
Harris (MD)
Harris (NC)
Harshbarger
Hern (OK)
Higgins (LA)
Hill (AR)
Hinson
Houchin
Hudson
Huizenga
Hurd (CO)
Issa
Jack
Jackson (TX)
James
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Kean
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy (UT)
Kiggans (VA)
Kiley (CA)
Kim
Knott
Kustoff
LaHood
LaLota
LaMalfa
Langworthy
Latta
Lawler
Lee (FL)
Letlow
Lucas
Luna
Mace
Mackenzie
Malliotakis
Maloy
Mann
Mast
McClain
McClintock
McCormick
McDowell
McGuire
Messmer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (OH)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Mills
Moolenaar
Moore (AL)
Moore (NC)
Moore (UT)
Moore (WV)
Moran
Murphy
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunn (IA)
Obernolte
Onder
Owens
Palmer
Patronis
Perry
Pfluger
Reschenthaler
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rouzer
Roy
Rulli
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schmidt
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Self
Sessions
Shreve
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Strong
Stutzman
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner (OH)
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Van Orden
Wagner
Walberg
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Westerman
Wied
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Yakym
Zinke

NAYS--210

Adams
Aguilar
Amo
Ansari
Auchincloss
Balint
Barragan
Beatty
Bell
Bera
Beyer
Bishop
Bonamici
Boyle (PA)
Brown
Brownley
Budzinski
Bynum
Carbajal
Carson
Carter (LA)
Casar
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cisneros
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conaway
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crockett
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis (IL)
Davis (NC)
Dean (PA)
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Deluzio
DeSaulnier
Dexter
Dingell
Doggett
Elfreth
Escobar
Espaillat
Evans (PA)
Fields
Figures
Fletcher
Foster
Foushee
Frankel, Lois
Friedman
Frost
Garamendi
Garcia (CA)
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Gillen
Golden (ME)
Goldman (NY)
Gomez
Gonzalez, V.
Goodlander
Gottheimer
Gray
Green, Al (TX)
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Hoyle (OR)
Huffman
Ivey
Jackson (IL)
Jacobs
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Kamlager-Dove
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy (NY)
Khanna
Krishnamoorthi
Landsman
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latimer
Lee (NV)
Lee (PA)
Leger Fernandez
Levin
Liccardo
Lieu
Lofgren
Lynch
Magaziner
Mannion
Matsui
McBath
McBride
McClain Delaney
McClellan
McCollum
McDonald Rivet
McGarvey
McGovern
McIver
Meeks
Menendez
Meng
Mfume
Min
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Morrison
Moskowitz
Moulton
Mrvan
Mullin
Nadler
Neal
Neguse
Norcross
Ocasio-Cortez
Olszewski
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pelosi
Perez
Peters
Pettersen
Pingree
Pocan
Pou
Pressley
Quigley
Randall
Raskin
Riley (NY)
Rivas
Ross
Ruiz
Ryan
Salinas
Sanchez
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schneider
Scholten
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Simon
Smith (WA)
Sorensen
Soto
Stansbury
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Subramanyam
Suozzi
Swalwell
Sykes
Takano
Thanedar
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tokuda
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Tran
Underwood
Vargas
Vasquez
Veasey
Velazquez
Vindman
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Whitesides
Williams (GA)

[[Page H3266]]

NOT VOTING--11

Carter (GA)
De La Cruz
Green (TN)
Hunt
Loudermilk
Luttrell
Massie
McCaul
Ogles
Ramirez
Wilson (FL)

{time} 1412

Ms. BROWNLEY, Messrs. HORSFORD, OLSZEWSKI, Ms. PINGREE, Messrs.
SUBRAMANYAM, PAPPAS, Ms. SCHOLTEN, and Mr. SUOZZI changed their vote
from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. HAMADEH of Arizona, HUIZENGA, and Mrs. LUNA changed their
vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.

Recorded Vote

Ms. SCANLON. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on
this question will be postponed.

____________________