HONEST LEADERSHIP AND OPEN GOVERNMENT ACT; Congressional Record Vol. 152, No. 27
(Senate - March 06, 2006)

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[Pages S1760-S1761]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




               HONEST LEADERSHIP AND OPEN GOVERNMENT ACT

  Mr. REID. Mr. President, in recent months, the public has been 
shocked and outraged over stories dealing with abusive and, I believe, 
criminal practices--and so do various prosecutors--by lobbyists, senior 
administration officials, Members of Congress, and even congressional 
staff. A number of these participants in these schemes that breached 
the public trust have pled guilty--Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff, 
former staffer for the recent House Republican Majority Leader Michael 
Scanlon, Republican Member of Congress Duke Cunningham, and one of his 
coconspirators, Michael Wade. Others are under indictment, including 
President Bush's political appointee David Safavian.
  The guilty pleas, indictments, and documents released to date suggest 
wrongdoing or improper behavior by many others, including a former 
Deputy Secretary of the Interior, other former aides to the recent 
House Republican majority leader, former aides to Republican Senators; 
Grover Norquist, a close ally of the Bush White House; Ralph Reed, 
long-time political operative for the Republicans--in fact, he has been 
State chair of at least one State party--and, of course, the heads of 
two other groups closely associated with the Republican Party.
  The American people understand these are not one or two isolated 
incidents. They understand this is a clear pattern of wrongdoing--
wrongdoing that can only be explained by an alarming sense of impunity. 
The public understands these individuals felt that they were above the 
law. They felt they could ignore the rules. They felt government was 
not there to serve the people's interest but to serve their own special 
interests or the interests of some of their cronies.
  The public has seen a Republican culture that has distorted 
government priority and grown into the greatest government scandal 
since Watergate. So as we begin this debate, it is important to realize 
this wrongdoing often violated existing laws and congressional ethics 
rules. It is already illegal to offer or accept a bribe. It is already 
illegal to defraud your clients. It is already illegal to lie and 
commit perjury. The rules already prohibit Members from taking trips 
that have no real business purpose and are just excuses for a golf 
outing. So much of what went on was already criminal or certainly 
clearly unethical. The problem, in many cases, was not in the rules. It 
was in the culture that allowed everyone to believe they could ignore 
the rules.

  But in some cases it was clear, the rules have shortcomings. So even 
though a number of the things that people did clearly violated the 
rules we now have, in some of these cases it was clear that the rules 
had shortcomings and we needed to beef them up. In these areas, we need 
to expand disclosure and tighten rules that have been abused. We also 
need to find a way to restore public faith in the integrity of our 
Federal Government.
  The best way to do this is to show the public we take this issue 
seriously and that we will act aggressively and swiftly to change the 
culture in the Nation's Capital.
  That is why I am satisfied with what my Democratic colleagues have 
been able to do with this legislation that will shortly be before the 
Senate. As soon as we returned from the winter recess, we, as a caucus, 
acted decisively. We unveiled sweeping reform principles and backed 
them with legislation. It is one thing to address this issue through 
quickly called press conferences that offer no details; it is another 
to put reform to paper and to use a reform bill that has supported 
virtually the entire

[[Page S1761]]

Democratic caucus. That is what we did.
  The Honest Leadership Act fundamentally changed the debate on ethics 
and lobbying reform. It is hard to draft legislation. I called upon my 
staff, one of my most senior persons, someone who was the chief of 
staff of the Commerce Committee under Senator Hollings, Kevin Kayes. He 
has worked hard. Saturday nights, Sunday nights, I have spoken to him. 
I acknowledge the hard work that he has done on this legislation. I 
appreciate it very much.
  We put on paper what we thought was the best thing for this 
institution. The Honest Leadership Act, Open Government Act, 
fundamentally changed the debate on ethic and lobbying reform. 
Democrats stood united. United we said: We are not going to let this 
process drag on and hope that people get distracted. We are going to 
seize the initiative and begin to change the culture that we find in 
Washington. Democrats established the baseline for reform by getting 
caucus-wide support for a tough and comprehensively formed bill. 
Democrats raised the stakes on this issue and forced the Senate to deal 
with this in a meaningful way.
  We have had a number of participants on the Democratic side of the 
aisle. This is not in the order of how hard they have worked, but I 
express my appreciation--because they have all worked hard--to Senator 
Dodd, Senator Lieberman, the ranking members of the Committee on Rules 
and Government Operations Committees. I appreciate the work of Senator 
Feingold who has been involved in these issues for many years. And a 
new Senator, Mr. Obama, has done such a good job of expressing himself 
to the American public how we feel on this side of the aisle about the 
need to change what is going on in Washington. Senator Levin has also 
been a stalwart, helpful from the very beginning. He, like Senator 
Feingold, has been involved in these issues for a long time.
  It would not be fair to just list the Democrats. The work performed 
in the Committee on Rules was a hard job. It was the first body to take 
this up. It showed the experience of Senator Dodd and Senator Lott. 
They had a cordial relationship going into this which helped 
significantly in moving that bill out of the committee very quickly. 
Senator Lieberman worked very hard with Senator Collins. They came up 
with another piece of legislation as a result of their ability to work 
together. I appreciate Senator Lott very much and Senator Collins for 
their work, working with Democrats. Their work did advance the reform 
proposals that we introduced.
  It goes without saying I am glad we are here today. It is fair to say 
we would not be here and certainly not with this strong piece of 
legislation from the Committee on Government Operations and the Rules 
Committee if not for the efforts of my caucus.
  In fact, much of what Democrats supported in S. 2180 has been 
included in the bills that will come before the Senate today which will 
be united into one bill. What are some of the things we have done? I 
will not mention all of them, but I will mention some. Slow the 
revolving door between government jobs and lucrative private sector 
employment. Revoke floor privileges for former member lobbyists. A 
former Member has to decide, if they want to come to the Senate, they 
are not going to be able to do their work here if they are lobbyists. 
That is unfair to some who also are lobbyists who certainly never used 
the floor in any negative way. I think I can say that for most all.
  We have to do away with what is wrong and with what appears to be 
wrong. This legislation will be in the Senate in less than an hour and 
it eliminates gifts paid for by lobbyists, not just disclosure gifts. 
There will be more disclosure and scrutiny of privately funded travel. 
This legislation will stop dead-of-night legislating by making 
conference reports available on the Internet. This legislation will 
require more frequent and more detailed lobbyists' disclosure available 
on the Internet. And there is increased civil rights penalties for 
violations.

  This legislation required ethics training. It will require ethics 
training for congressional staff and will require disclosure for 
stealth lobbying campaigns by business coalitions and other 
organizations that slipped under the radar screen in the past. They 
will not any more.
  Not all of what the Democrats sought is in this bill. I know that. In 
some cases, the provisions included are weaker than what was in our 
proposal. But we will offer amendments to strengthen the bill in these 
areas.
  I am pleased that so much of what we worked for as a caucus has now 
gained broad bipartisan support. We have tried very hard. There are 
some groups, quite frankly, that there is not enough we could ever do, 
no matter what we do would never be enough. But it is important to 
recognize while there may be some outside groups who think we have not 
done enough, we have done a lot.
  During this debate, I hope we remain honest with the American people 
about an important point. When we approve this legislation--I am 
hopeful in conference we will--we will not have put the Abramoff 
scandal behind us. Indeed, it is likely that future indictments and 
additional revelations will end any confusion on this point. The only 
way we put the Abramoff and other scandals behind us and restore the 
public faith in government is by each and every one of us, all 100 of 
us, and our staffs, conducting ourselves and operating this institution 
with the highest level of integrity.
  This legislation will set parameters that will be easier to follow. 
The costs of corruption are high, and it is the American people who pay 
for it. What has happened in Washington has eroded the ability of our 
Government to meet the needs of our people.
  Look at this administration's response to Hurricane Katrina and the 
growing national unease about our security, both here and abroad. Just 
imagine, if Duke Cunningham and his coconspirators had not succeeded in 
spending tens of millions of taxpayers dollars to give their cronies 
bogus contracts, that money could have been used to pay for body armor, 
port security, or some other critical need. This is only one example.
  The culture of corruption distorts our priorities and frustrates 
efforts to address the real needs of Americans, these Americans who are 
trying to cope with high natural gas prices to heat their homes, high 
fuel prices for the cars, concerns about their own retirement security, 
and a growing sense that they are having to work harder and harder to 
maintain even their current standard of living. Each one of us came 
here to serve the American people. We have been given a tremendously 
difficult responsibility. But it is one we all sought. Of course, it is 
a real privilege.
  I am confident we can clean up the situation we now have in 
Washington so we can get on with the Nation's business. America 
deserves a government as good as its people. Together, America can do 
better.

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