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SUPPORTING SANCTIONS ON IRAN
(Senate - May 22, 2013)

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[Pages S3736-S3745]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                      SUPPORTING SANCTIONS ON IRAN

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will 
proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 65, which the clerk will report 
by title.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A resolution (S. Res. 65) strongly supporting the full 
     implementation of the United States and international 
     sanctions on Iran and urging the President to continue to 
     strengthen enforcement of sanctions legislation.

  The Senate proceeded to consider the resolution, which had been 
reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations, with an amendment.
  [Strike the part printed in boldface brackets and insert the part 
printed in italic.]

                               S. Res. 65

       Whereas, on May 14, 1948, the people of Israel proclaimed 
     the establishment of the sovereign and independent State of 
     Israel;
       Whereas, on March 28, 1949, the United States Government 
     recognized the establishment of the new State of Israel and 
     established full diplomatic relations;
       Whereas, since its establishment nearly 65 years ago, the 
     modern State of Israel has rebuilt a nation, forged a new and 
     dynamic democratic society, and created a thriving economic, 
     political, cultural, and intellectual life despite the heavy 
     costs of war, terrorism, and unjustified diplomatic and 
     economic boycotts against the people of Israel;
       Whereas the people of Israel have established a vibrant, 
     pluralistic, democratic political system, including freedom 
     of speech, association, and religion; a vigorously free 
     press; free, fair, and open elections; the rule of law; a 
     fully independent judiciary; and other democratic principles 
     and practices;
       Whereas, since the 1979 revolution in Iran, the leaders of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran have repeatedly made threats 
     against the existence of the State of Israel and sponsored 
     acts of terrorism and violence against its citizens;
       Whereas, on October 27, 2005, President of Iran Mahmoud 
     Ahmadinejad called for a world without America and Zionism;
       Whereas, in February 2012, Supreme Leader of Iran Ali 
     Khamenei said of Israel, ``The Zionist regime is a true 
     cancer tumor on this region that should be cut off. And it 
     definitely will be cut off.'';
       Whereas, in August 2012, Supreme Leader Khamenei said of 
     Israel, ``This bogus and fake Zionist outgrowth will 
     disappear off the landscape of geography.'';
       Whereas, in August 2012, President Ahmadinejad said that 
     ``in the new Middle East . . . there will be no trace of the 
     American presence and the Zionists'';
       Whereas the Department of State has designated the Islamic 
     Republic of Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism since 1984 
     and has characterized the Islamic Republic of Iran as the 
     ``most active state sponsor of terrorism'' in the world;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     provided weapons, training, funding, and direction to 
     terrorist groups, including Hamas, Hizballah, and Shiite 
     militias in Iraq that are responsible for the murder of 
     hundreds of United States service members and innocent 
     civilians;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     provided weapons, training, and funding to the regime of 
     Bashar al Assad that has been used to suppress and murder its 
     own people;
       Whereas, since at least the late 1980s, the Government of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran has engaged in a sustained and 
     well-documented pattern of illicit and deceptive activities 
     to acquire a nuclear weapons capability;
       Whereas, since September 2005, the Board of Governors of 
     the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has found the 
     Islamic Republic of Iran to be in non-compliance with its 
     safeguards agreement with the IAEA, which Iran is obligated 
     to undertake as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the 
     Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at 
     Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 1968, and entered into 
     force March 5, 1970 (NPT);
       Whereas the United Nations Security Council has adopted 
     multiple resolutions since 2006 demanding of the Government 
     of the Islamic Republic of Iran its full and sustained 
     suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and reprocessing 
     activities and its full cooperation with the IAEA on all 
     outstanding issues related to its nuclear activities, 
     particularly those concerning the possible military 
     dimensions of its nuclear program;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     refused to comply with United Nations Security Council 
     resolutions or to fully cooperate with the IAEA;
       Whereas, in November 2011, the IAEA Director General issued 
     a report that documented ``serious concerns regarding 
     possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear programme,'' 
     and affirmed that information available to the IAEA indicates 
     that ``Iran has carried out activities relevant to the 
     development of a nuclear explosive device'' and that some 
     activities may be ongoing;
       Whereas the Government of Iran stands in violation of the 
     Universal Declaration of Human Rights for denying its 
     citizens basic freedoms, including the freedoms of 
     expression, religion, peaceful assembly and movement, and for 
     flagrantly abusing the rights of minorities and women;
       Whereas in his State of the Union Address on January 24, 
     2012, President Barack Obama stated, ``Let there be no doubt: 
     America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear 
     weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve 
     that goal.'';
       Whereas Congress has passed and the President has signed 
     into law legislation imposing significant economic and 
     diplomatic sanctions on Iran to encourage the Government of 
     Iran to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons and end its 
     support for terrorism;
       Whereas these sanctions, while having significant effect, 
     have yet to persuade Iran to abandon its illicit pursuits and 
     comply with United Nations Security Council resolutions;
       Whereas more stringent enforcement of sanctions 
     legislation, including elements targeting oil exports and 
     access to foreign exchange, could still lead the Government 
     of Iran to change course;
       Whereas, in his State of the Union Address on February 12, 
     2013, President Obama reiterated, ``The leaders of Iran must 
     recognize that now is the time for a diplomatic solution, 
     because a coalition stands united in demanding that they meet 
     their obligations. And we will do what is necessary to 
     prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``Iran's 
     leaders should understand that I do not have a policy of 
     containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a 
     nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama said of Iran, 
     ``The clock is ticking . . . And we're going to make sure 
     that if they do not meet the demands of the international 
     community, then we are going to take all options necessary to 
     make sure they don't have a nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on May 19, 2011, President Obama stated, ``Every 
     state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able 
     to defend itself, by itself, against any threat.'';
       Whereas, on September 21, 2011, President Obama stated, 
     ``America's commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable. 
     Our friendship with Israel is deep and enduring.'';
       Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``And 
     whenever an effort is made to delegitimize the state of 
     Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should 
     not be a shred of doubt by now: when the chips are down, I 
     have Israel's back.'';
       Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama stated, 
     ``Israel is a true friend. And if Israel is attacked, America 
     will stand with

[[Page S3737]]

     Israel. I've made that clear throughout my presidency . . . I 
     will stand with Israel if they are attacked.'';
       Whereas, in December 2012, 74 United States Senators wrote 
     to President Obama ``As you begin your second term as 
     President, we ask you to reiterate your readiness to take 
     military action against Iran if it continues its efforts to 
     acquire a nuclear weapon. In addition, we urge you to work 
     with our European and Middle Eastern allies to demonstrate to 
     the Iranians that a credible and capable multilateral 
     coalition exists that would support a military strike if, in 
     the end, this is unfortunately necessary.''; and
       Whereas the United States-Israel Enhanced Security 
     Cooperation Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-150) stated that it 
     is United States policy to support Israel's inherent right to 
     self-defense: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,

     SECTION 1. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       Congress--
       (1) reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and 
     cooperation that have existed between the United States and 
     the State of Israel for more than sixty years and that enjoy 
     overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress and among the 
     people of the United States;
       (2) strongly supports the close military, intelligence, and 
     security cooperation that President Obama has pursued with 
     Israel and urges this cooperation to continue and deepen;
       (3) deplores and condemns, in the strongest possible terms, 
     the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran threatening the security and 
     existence of Israel;
       (4) recognizes the tremendous threat posed to the United 
     States, the West, and Israel by the Government of Iran's 
     continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability;
       (5) reiterates that the policy of the United States is to 
     prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon capability and 
     to take such action as may be necessary to implement this 
     policy;
       (6) reaffirms its strong support for the full 
     implementation of United States and international sanctions 
     on Iran and urges the President to continue and strengthen 
     enforcement of sanctions legislation;
       (7) declares that the United States has a vital national 
     interest in, and unbreakable commitment to, ensuring the 
     existence, survival, and security of the State of Israel, and 
     reaffirms United States support for Israel's right to self-
     defense; and
       [(8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled 
     to take military action in self-defense, the United States 
     Government should stand with Israel and provide diplomatic, 
     military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in 
     its defense of its territory, people, and existence.]
       (8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled to 
     take military action in legitimate self-defense against 
     Iran's nuclear weapons program, the United States Government 
     should stand with Israel and provide, in accordance with 
     United States law and the constitutional responsibility of 
     Congress to authorize the use of military force, diplomatic, 
     military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in 
     its defense of its territory, people, and existence.

     SEC. 2. RULES OF CONSTRUCTION.

       Nothing in this resolution shall be construed as an 
     authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will be now be 
50 minutes for debate, with the Republicans controlling 30 minutes and 
the majority controlling 20 minutes.
  The Senator from South Carolina.
  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, this is a debate where it does not matter 
who is speaking, Republican or Democrat, because we are speaking with 
one voice. That very seldom happens in American politics today, 
unfortunately. There will be 50 minutes divided, but really there is no 
division here.
  S. Res. 65 has 91 cosponsors. That is very difficult to do. The 
Presiding Officer, Senator Coons, was an original cosponsor of the 
legislation.
  What is S. Res. 65 all about? It is about the following: On March 4, 
2012, President Obama stated:

       Whenever an effort is made to delegitimize the State of 
     Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should 
     not be a shred of doubt by now. When the chips are down, I 
     have Israel's back.

  This resolution is in support of the President's statement. When I 
heard that statement, it was music to my ears, because the Iranian 
nuclear program, the efforts of the Iranians to develop a nuclear 
capability, marches on as I speak.
  Today, May 22, there are two articles, one in the Associated Press, 
one in Reuters, talking about AIEA reports and diplomats saying that 
Iran is pressing forward with the construction of a research reactor 
that would add to their nuclear capability in terms of enriching 
uranium to make a bomb, and that they have increased the number of 
centrifuges dramatically since April.
  We have been trying to sanction Iran--very successfully, I might add. 
Senator Menendez, my cosponsor here, the original cosponsor, will be 
here around 4. As to Bob Menendez, there is no stronger supporter of 
the U.S.-Israel relationship than Bob, who is chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee.
  We have worked on a resolution. The guts of this resolution basically 
are as follows: It declares the United States has a vital national 
interest in and an unbreakable commitment to ensuring the existence, 
survival, and security of the state of Israel. It reaffirms the support 
of the United States for Israel's right to legitimate self-defense. In 
the last paragraph, it is not an authorization to use force, but it 
says the following: That if Israel is compelled to take military action 
in self-defense, the United States will stand with Israel and provide 
diplomatic, military, economic support in its defense of its territory, 
people, and existence.
  The whole resolution is about Israel having to defend herself against 
a nuclear-capable Iran. So when our President said in 2012 that ``we 
have Israel's back,'' that his administration has Israel's back, this 
is a chance for the Senate to say we also have Israel's back.
  From my point of view, you cannot separate the threat the nuclear 
program in Iran creates from the United States and Israel. They are the 
same. The same threat Israel faces from a nuclear-armed Iran, a 
nuclear-capable Iran, we face as a Nation. So people wonder, what will 
happen if that day ever comes? What would America do? Well, this is a 
statement by every Senator who votes yes--not an authorization to use 
force, but a statement--that if that day comes and Israel has to 
justifiably defend itself from a breakout by the Iranian regime to 
build a nuclear weapon, which could be the end of the Jewish state, we 
will have Israel's back economically, militarily, and diplomatically.
  I cannot stress how important it is for that statement to be made by 
the Senate. Time is running out. Time is not on our side. As to the 
threat from Iran, since 1984 they have been characterized as the most 
active state sponsor of terrorism in the world. As we have sanctioned 
them to stop their nuclear ambitions, the amount of enriched uranium 
has grown. As we talk, they enrich.
  We are going to have several Senators come down to voice their 
support for this resolution.
  With that, I would yield to Senater Hoeven for 2 minutes. The Senator 
has been an unwavering supporter of the United States-Israel 
relationship.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
  Mr. HOEVEN. I appreciate the opportunity to join my esteemed 
colleague from the great State of South Carolina in support of S. Res. 
65, expressing our strong support for our close friend and ally, 
Israel.
  This resolution right up front says--I want to read from the 
subheading in the resolution--``Strongly supports the full 
implementation of the United States and international sanctions on 
Iran, and urging the President to continue to strengthen enforcement of 
sanctions legislation.''
  This is very important. I want to buttress a comment made by the good 
Senator from South Carolina, and that is through Kirk-Menendez and 
other legislation, we have provided authority for the administration to 
put the strongest possible sanctions in place against Iran to prevent 
Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We need to do it. We need to 
stand with Israel. We need to support our ally. This is not just about 
Israel, this is about security for the United States. This is about 
preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.
  Essentially what these sanctions do is they provide any country or 
company that buys oil from Iran cannot do business with our banking 
system. Think about that. Countries that buy oil from Iran would not be 
able to transact with the United States and U.S. companies. That would 
preclude them from buying Iranian oil.
  Okay. Think about that. If Iran cannot sell its oil, it has no 
revenue. If it has no revenue, it is forced to stop its efforts to 
build a nuclear weapon. So the point is this: We cannot only have 
sanctions. What we are trying to do in this legislation is not only 
express support for Israel, again as the Senator

[[Page S3738]]

from South Carolina pointed out, but encourage and support the 
administration in completely enforcing the strongest possible sanctions 
against Iran so we do not have to go to the option of a military strike 
to take out their nuclear weapon capability. That is what this is all 
about. This is bipartisan--as the Senator said, 91 cosponsors. This is 
about saying we can get this done but we have got to impose these 
sanctions as strongly as we can. We have got to do it now.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the Senator from North Dakota.
  Now I wish to recognize Senator Ayotte for 4 minutes. We have got a 
lot of speakers here to talk about S. Res. 65. She has been there at 
every step of the way.
  Ms. AYOTTE. Mr. President, let me thank Senator Graham and Senator 
Menendez for their leadership on this important Senate resolution, S. 
Res. 65. This is a resolution that is very straightforward. It says to 
our friend and ally Israel: We have your back. That means right now. If 
you look at the dangers confronting Israel, they are unprecedented 
dangers, from the situation in Syria, to threats from Hamas and 
Hezbollah, to the situation in the Sinai. But the greatest threat of 
all is Iran acquiring nuclear weapons capability. It is a country that 
has threatened to wipe Israel off the map.

  Rightly so, the Israelis have said never again. As our country, we 
say never again. Because it is not just that the Iranians could acquire 
nuclear weapons capability and launch a missile against our country, it 
is that they are the largest state sponsor of terrorism. They could 
give that nuclear weapon to a terrorist. Then it is not just a threat 
to Israel, this is a threat to the safety of the world. That is why I 
fully support this resolution and why it has so many cosponsors in the 
Senate. To understand the deep friendship we have with Israel, what we 
share in terms of democracy in the Middle East, ultimately this threat 
is not just a threat to Israel, this is a threat to the safety of the 
United States of America.
  This resolution is clear. If Israel is compelled to take military 
action in self-defense against Iran's nuclear weapons program, it urges 
the U.S. Government to stand with Israel, diplomatically, militarily, 
and economically. It also reiterates what my friend from North Dakota 
talked about, which is the policy of the United States to prevent Iran 
from acquiring a nuclear weapon and reaffirms that we will continue to 
press for the toughest of economic sanctions.
  To the leaders in Iran, understand there is much we do not agree on 
in this body. When we pass this resolution today, you need to know we 
are unified when it comes to stopping you from acquiring nuclear 
weapons capability, and that we will stand with our friend and ally 
Israel to make sure you do not present that type of grave danger to the 
safety of the entire world.
  I thank my colleague from South Carolina. I thank my colleagues here 
who have supported this incredibly important resolution. Think about 
it. How often do we come together with 91 Senators to support 
legislation? This is about the security of this country. I look forward 
to this body passing this important resolution.
  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, at this time I wish to recognize a member 
of the Foreign Relations Committee, one of the strongest voices on 
national security in the body, a new member but someone who understands 
the world and is a tremendous supporter of the United States-Israel 
relationship, Senator Marco Rubio from Florida, for 4 minutes.
  Mr. RUBIO. I thank the Senator.
  I rise in support of these sanctions as well. Americans are perhaps 
tempted these days to take a step back from the problems in places in 
the Middle East and wonder why do we need to be active in resolving 
these thorny issues that often seem unsolvable. But yesterday in the 
Foreign Relations Committee, for example, we discussed Syrian 
legislation and debated how to address the growing repercussions of our 
policy of inaction as violence and instability spreads beyond Syria's 
borders. We cannot stand idly by and ignore the fallout from Syria. 
Americans need to remember that Iran is not just Israel's problem, it 
is ours as well.
  Iran has been sponsoring terrorism and killing Americans for decades, 
most recently in places such as Iraq and Afghanistan. Iran has pursued 
an anti-American agenda, and its foreign policy has supported tyrants. 
It has undermined U.S. allies, and not just in the Middle East, through 
its terrorist proxies such as Hezbollah and what they are doing now to 
defend Asad in Syria, but they have even done it in our own hemisphere.
  On top of these issues, Iranian leaders have denied that the 
Holocaust even happened. They threaten Israel's very existence. So we 
do need to strengthen our sanctions. We need to actually follow through 
with them. That is what this resolution calls on the administration to 
do.
  But we also have to ensure that our international partners do that as 
well. I am pleased that this resolution calls on the administration to 
fully implement the sanctions we have already passed and approved.
  These sanctions have not changed Iran's calculus. The sanctions alone 
are not enough because, as we have seen, Iran has added centrifuges, so 
they continue to enrich uranium and they get closer to a nuclear 
capability. Similarly, the approach of this administration to talk to 
Iran, trying what our European partners have attempted to do in the 
past, has also been unsuccessful. For more than 10 years now we and the 
Europeans have tried to negotiate--all with no results. Iran has only 
gotten closer and closer to a nuclear capability.
  We need a new approach. One avenue that has not been adequately 
explored is using perhaps our greatest weapon, what Ronald Reagan 
called ``the will and moral courage of free men and women.'' That means 
speaking out more forcefully about the human rights situation in Iran.
  This regime is brutally oppressive. It represses its own people. Read 
the 2012 State Department report. It talks about disappearances; cruel, 
inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment, including judicially 
sanctioned amputations and flogging; politically motivated violence and 
repression, such as beatings and rape; harsh and life-threatening 
conditions in detention and prison facilities. This is not even a 
comprehensive list of the abuses that exist in Iran.
  Currently, there is an American pastor in Iran, Saeed Abedini, who is 
serving 8 years in prison because he is a Christian and practices 
Christianity.
  Yesterday the Iranian Government disqualified two Presidential 
candidates. This will be a sham election in the coming months. As one 
State Department official put it to the Foreign Relations Committee, 
the Green Movement in Iran today is virtually nonexistent.
  Instead of denigrating the freedom fighters in Iran who have suffered 
from inaction and lack of support, we need to be doing everything 
possible in the weeks to come to speak frankly about the lack of 
fundamental freedoms in Iran and reject the notion that this regime is 
legitimate or a credible negotiating partner.
  We need to make clear that a crackdown against the Iranian people 
similar to the one that occurred in June of 2009 after a fraudulent 
Presidential election will have real consequences this time. We can't 
be everywhere. America can't be everywhere and do everything, but we 
can't outsource the solutions to all our problems either.
  Israel faces an unprecedented security environment. I saw this 
firsthand during my recent visit to the Middle East in February. In 
every direction, Israel sees uncertainty and potential instability, 
from an all-out civil war on its northern border in Syria, to neighbors 
going through delicate political transitions in the wake of the Arab 
spring. But even with all these changes in its neighborhood, the 
greatest challenge facing Israel today is the threat of a nuclear Iran.
  We need to stand with Israel and provide diplomatic, military, and 
economic support in its defense of its territory, its people, and its 
existence. We need to remind Tehran that the United States will not 
allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons, as this resolution states, and 
that is why I am supporting it. I urge all of my colleagues to support 
it as well.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Brown). The Senator from South Carolina.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the Senator for a terrific speech.

[[Page S3739]]

  I would ask whether Senator Menendez minds if Senator McCain speaks.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I am always willing to allow Senator McCain to speak.
  Mr. GRAHAM. We will do this by age. Senator McCain is recognized for 
5 minutes. That is not quite a minute a decade, but that will get us 
going.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Arizona is recognized.
  Mr. McCAIN. I thank the Chair, and I hope the Chair will discipline 
this disrespect that is being displayed because of my advanced age. 
This would never have happened in the Coolidge administration, in which 
I first served.
  I thank the Senator. I also thank my dear friend Lindsey Graham for 
bringing this important resolution to the Senate.
  Resolutions happen all the time. This is a very important one. It 
wouldn't have happened without the leadership and support of the 
distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. I would like 
to thank him for his continued leadership, including the passage of the 
resolution that was passed through the Foreign Relations Committee 
yesterday concerning the situation in Syria.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record 
three articles that are of importance for our colleagues.
  One is from the Washington Post: ``Iran paves over suspected nuclear 
testing site despite U.N. protests.''
  The second is another Washington Post article, by the Associated 
Press: ``Iran expands nuke technology for program that could be used to 
make weapons.''
  Of interest is another one, also from the Washington Post: ``Iranian 
soldiers fighting for Assad in Syria, says State Department official.''
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                [From the Washington Post, May 22, 2013]

  Iran Paves Over Suspected Nuclear Testing Site Despite U.N. Protests

                           (By Joby Warrick)

       Iran has begun paving over a former military site where its 
     scientists are suspected to have conducted nuclear-weapons-
     related experiments, according to a new U.N. report, a move 
     that could doom efforts to reconstruct a critical part of 
     Iran's nuclear history.
       Satellite photos of the site, known as Parchin, show fresh 
     asphalt covering a broad area where suspicious tests were 
     carried out several years ago, the International Atomic 
     Energy Agency said in an internal report that was prepared 
     for diplomats.
       The paving appears to have occurred within the past few 
     weeks, at a time when the United Nations' nuclear watchdog 
     was meeting with Iranian officials to try to negotiate access 
     to the site to investigate allegations of secret weapons 
     research.
       Iran has repeatedly denied IAEA inspectors entry to the 
     site, and previous satellite photos have shown a series of 
     efforts to alter it by razing buildings and even scraping 
     away topsoil around what was once a chamber used for military 
     explosives testing. U.N. officials believe that the facility 
     may have been used to test a special kind of detonator used 
     in nuclear explosions.
       Since February, Iran ``has conducted further spreading, 
     leveling and compacting of material over most of the site, a 
     significant proportion of which it has also asphalted,'' the 
     IAEA said in its report, a copy of which was obtained by The 
     Washington Post.
       The alterations to the site ``have seriously undermined the 
     Agency's ability to undertake effective verification'' of 
     Iran's claims that its nuclear program is entirely peaceful, 
     the report said.
       Iran denies that it ever conducted nuclear weapons research 
     and says the IAEA has no mandate for investigating a military 
     base with no ties to its nuclear program.
       The IAEA, which conducts routine monitoring of Iran's 
     civilian nuclear facilities, met with Iranian officials 
     earlier this month in the latest in a string of failed 
     efforts to clear up concerns over suspicious experiments by 
     Iranian scientists. U.S. intelligence officials believe Iran 
     was testing components for nuclear weapons as recently as 
     2003, when the work was abruptly halted.
       Since then, Iran has amassed a large stockpile of enriched 
     uranium--a key ingredient in nuclear weapons--but has not yet 
     decided whether to take the risk of building and testing a 
     bomb, U.S. officials say.
       The IAEA report also documented Iran's continued progress 
     in increasing its supply of enriched uranium, including the 
     addition of still more advanced centrifuges that produce 
     nuclear fuel more efficiently than the outdated machines 
     formerly used by Iran. At the same time, Iran has continued 
     to convert some of its uranium stockpile into metal fuel 
     plates, a step that would make it more difficult to use the 
     material in a future weapons program.
                                  ____


                [From the Washington Post, May 22, 2013]

  Iran Expands Nuke Technology for Program That Could Be Used To Make 
                                Weapons

                       (By The Associated Press)

       Vienna.--The U.N. atomic agency on Wednesday detailed rapid 
     Iranian progress in two programs that the West fears are 
     geared toward making nuclear weapons, saying Tehran has 
     upgraded its uranium enrichment facilities and advanced in 
     building a plutonium-producing reactor.
       In a confidential report obtained by The Associated Press, 
     the International Atomic Energy Agency said Tehran had 
     installed close to 700 high-tech centrifuges used for uranium 
     enrichment, which can produce the core of nuclear weapons. It 
     also said Tehran had added hundreds of older-generation 
     machines at its main enrichment site to bring the total 
     number to over 13,000.
       Iran denies that either its enrichment program or the 
     reactor will be used to make nuclear arms. Most international 
     concern has focused on its enrichment, because it is further 
     advanced than the reactor and already has the capacity to 
     enrich to weapons-grade uranium.
       But the IAEA devoted more space to the reactor Wednesday 
     than it has in previous reports. While its language was 
     technical, a senior diplomat who closely follows the IAEA's 
     monitoring of Iran's nuclear facilities said that reflected 
     increased international concerns about the potential 
     proliferation dangers it represents as a completion date 
     approaches.
       He demanded anonymity because he was not authorized to 
     discuss confidential IAEA information.
       The report also touched upon a more than six-year stalemate 
     in agency efforts to probe suspicions Tehran may have worked 
     on nuclear weapons. It said that--barring Iran's 
     cooperation--it may not be able to resolve questions about 
     ``possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear program.''
       The U.S., Israel and Iran's other critics say the reactor 
     at Arak, in central Iran, will be able to produce plutonium 
     for several bombs a year once it starts up. They have said 
     Tehran's plan to put it on line late next year is too 
     optimistic.
       But the report said the Islamic Republic had told IAEA 
     experts that it was holding to that timeline. The IAEA noted 
     that much work needed to be done at the reactor site, but it 
     said Iranian technicians there already had taken delivery of 
     a huge reactor vessel to contain the facility's fuel. It also 
     detailed progress in Tehran's plans to test the fuel.
       Installations of the new IR-2m centrifuges are also of 
     concern for nations fearing that Iran may want to make 
     nuclear arms, because they are believed to be able to enrich 
     two to five times faster than Tehran's old machines.
       The IAEA first reported initial installations in February. 
     It said then that agency inspectors counted 180 of the 
     advanced IR-2m centrifuges at Natanz, Tehran's main 
     enrichment site, less than a month after Iran's Jan. 23 
     announcement that it would start installing them.
       Diplomats said none of the machines appeared to be 
     operating and some may only be partially set up. But the 
     rapid pace of installations indicates that Iran possesses the 
     technology and materials to mass-produce the centrifuges and 
     make its enrichment program much more potent.
       Iranian nuclear chief Fereidoun Abbasi said earlier this 
     year that more than 3,000 high-tech centrifuges have already 
     been produced and will soon phase out its older-generation 
     enriching machines at Natanz, south of Tehran.
       The report also noted Iran's decision to keep its stockpile 
     of uranium enriched to a level just a technical step away 
     from weapons-grade to below the amount needed for a bomb.
       More than six years of international negotiations have 
     failed to persuade Tehran to stop enrichment and mothball the 
     Arak reactor.
                                  ____


                [From the Washington Post, May 21, 2013]

  Iranian Soldiers Fighting for Assad in Syria, Says State Department 
                                Official

                            (By Anne Gearan)

       Muscat, Oman.--Iran has sent soldiers to Syria to fight 
     alongside forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those 
     of the Lebanon-based Hezbollah militia, a senior State 
     Department official said Tuesday.
       An unknown number of Iranians are fighting in Syria, the 
     official said, citing accounts from members of the opposition 
     Free Syrian Army, which is backed by the United States. The 
     official spoke on the condition of anonymity to preview a 
     strategy session that Secretary of State John F. Kerry is to 
     hold Wednesday with key supporters of the Syrian opposition.
       Rebel forces have alleged for weeks that Iran is sending 
     trained fighters to Syria, and the Iran-backed Hezbollah has 
     said baldly that it will not let Assad fall.
       But with the British, French and American governments 
     considering providing arms to the Syrian opposition on a 
     scale not yet seen in the civil war, the U.S. official's 
     allegation was a tacit acknowledgment that the two-year-old 
     Syrian conflict has become a regional war and a de facto U.S. 
     proxy fight with Iran.
       ``This is an important thing to note: the direct 
     implication of foreigners fighting on Syrian soil now for the 
     regime,'' the official said.

[[Page S3740]]

       Kerry is in the Middle East this week to foster political 
     talks between Assad's resurgent regime and the embattled 
     rebels and to inaugurate a new round of peace talks between 
     Israel and the Palestinians.
       The State Department official said the Syrian opposition, 
     which is badly split, has not finalized its representative to 
     the talks in Amman, Jordan, on Wednesday. The Amman session 
     is intended to align strategies ahead of a larger conference 
     in Switzerland that would bring together the Russian- and 
     Iranian-backed Assad regime and the Western-backed rebels.
       Russia appears to be hedging its bets, as the U.S. official 
     acknowledged Tuesday. Assad's forces are being resupplied 
     from somewhere, the official said, and not all of the 
     armaments can be explained away as part of a continuation of 
     weapons contracts that predate the conflict.
       Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov agreed two 
     weeks ago to jointly lobby the opposition and Assad's 
     government to sit down for negotiations. The goal would be a 
     transitional government with members chosen by mutual 
     consent. The United States says that would mean Assad's 
     eventual exit; Russia says not necessarily.
       Kerry stopped in Oman on Tuesday to solidify a partnership 
     with a rare Sunni Arab nation that has friendly relations 
     with both Iran and the United States. He was readying plans 
     with Sultan Qaboos bin Said for Oman's purchase of an 
     estimated $2.1 billion air-defense system. The Raytheon-built 
     system is part of a coordinated, U.S.-led detection and 
     defense network intended to counter Iran's sophisticated 
     missile systems.
       The State Department official would not say whether Iran 
     was welcome at the Syria conference in Geneva, tentatively 
     set for June.
       In Washington on Tuesday, the Senate Foreign Relations 
     Committee passed legislation authorizing President Obama to 
     send weapons to vetted Syrian opposition groups. Although the 
     administration has not decided whether to provide lethal aid 
     and does not need congressional approval to do so, the 
     measure would strengthen Obama's case against those lawmakers 
     who disapprove of stepped-up U.S. involvement in Syria.
       The bill, co-sponsored by Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), 
     the committee chairman, and Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), the 
     ranking minority member, also creates a $250 million annual 
     transition fund--from reprogrammed, not newly appropriated, 
     money--to help the civilian opposition preserve government 
     institutions and strengthen sanctions against anyone 
     providing arms or selling oil to Assad.
       Menendez acknowledged concerns that U.S. weapons could fall 
     into the hands of Islamist extremists fighting on the side of 
     the opposition. But, he said, ``if we stand aside and do 
     nothing,'' such worries ``will become self-fulfilling 
     prophecy.''
       The bill, which passed the committee on a bipartisan 15 to 
     3 vote, still requires approval by the entire Senate and by 
     the House, which has no companion version pending.
       Karen DeYoung in Washington contributed to this report.

  Mr. McCAIN. I join with 90 Members of the Senate to support this 
resolution. This resolution has extraordinary bipartisan support. The 
Senate will send a clear and unequivocal message to the regime in 
Tehran, and that is this: The United States will not allow you to get a 
nuclear weapons capability.
  The dangers of a nuclear Iran cannot be denied, diminished, or 
dismissed. We must continue to ratchet up the pressure through 
sanctions, as this resolution suggests. At the end of the day, 
sanctions are a means to an end, not an end unto themselves. 
Unfortunately, despite the unprecedented international sanctions that 
have been put in place, Iran is today closer to a nuclear weapons 
capacity than ever before, and the facts speak for themselves.
  In January 2009, according to the IAEA, the Iranians had 
approximately 1,000 kilograms of uranium enriched to 3.5 percent. Today 
they have more than 8,000 kilograms. In January 2009 Iran had not 
enriched to 20 percent. Today the IAEA reported that Iran has produced 
324 kilograms of 20 percent-enriched uranium. That is 44 kilograms more 
than 3 months ago. It means they are moving unabated and unhindered 
toward the development of a nuclear weapon, and they continue to deny 
IAEA inspectors entry into nuclear facilities while the centrifuges 
continue to increase dramatically. Just a few hours ago, the IAEA 
issued a report that says Iran has installed close to 700 high-tech 
centrifuges, which will exponentially increase the speed with which 
Iran will be able to enrich uranium.
  Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons capability cannot be divorced from 
its other destabilizing actions. The threat from Iran is comprehensive. 
It includes ongoing threats against Israel and other allied Arab 
governments across the region, it includes a decades-long campaign of 
unconventional warfare, and it includes Iran's ongoing role as the No. 
1 state sponsor of terrorism in the world.
  Let's not forget that Iran has bolstered violent extremist groups 
such as Hezbollah and Shiite militias in Iraq who are responsible for 
the murders of hundreds of young American forces and innocent civilians 
or that senior leaders of the Quds Force were implicated in a terrorist 
plot to assassinate Saudi Arabia's Ambassador to the United States on 
U.S. soil.
  The Iranian regime continues to undertake its full-fledged campaign 
of brutality to keep Bashar al-Asad in power in Syria. Senior Iranian 
officials are advising and assisting the Syrian military with 
intelligence support and weapons. They have undertaken, together with 
Hezbollah, a large-scale training effort of as many as 50,000 
militiamen. As today's Washington Post makes clear, Iranian soldiers 
are fighting on the ground in Syria, supporting the regime as it 
massacres its civilians.
  I ask whether this is in America's national security interest.
  The threat in Iran is more deadly and more serious than any I have 
seen in my lifetime. I don't think this threat will be fully resolved 
until a very different set of leaders is in power in Tehran and until 
we see an Iranian Government that reflects the will of the Iranian 
people. I am confident that the current regime that rules Iran will not 
last forever for the simple reason that the Iranian people want the 
same freedoms and rights as people elsewhere.
  I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this amendment.
  Again, I thank the Senator from South Carolina Mr. Graham for his 
hard work on this resolution for a change.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I wish to thank Senator McCain for his voice on this 
topic and any other topic that keeps America safe. I also thank Senator 
Menendez, without whom there would be no resolution. Senator Reid is 
not here, but I thank him for making the time available to have this 
vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey is recognized for 
5 minutes.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, is there a division of time?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority controls 20 minutes.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I recognize myself for such time as I may consume.
  Let me start off by thanking and congratulating my colleague Senator 
Graham for joining with me, for engaging me on this critical question. 
He knows my concerns about Iran's march toward nuclear weapons, and 
together we thought it was an important statement to make. I appreciate 
his leadership on this issue and bringing us to a point where I think 
we will have a remarkably strong bipartisan vote today to send a very 
clear message. The message is that we seek full implementation of U.S. 
and international sanctions on Iran and urge the President to continue 
to strengthen enforcement of those sanctions.
  I cannot emphasize enough my strong concerns about Iran's nuclear 
program and the extraordinary threat it poses, yes, to Israel but, very 
importantly, to the United States of America and to the entire 
international community. Iran's provocative actions threaten to not 
just undo regional stability, but they pose an existential threat to 
our ally Israel and clearly a very clear threat to the national 
security of the United States. Iran continues to export terrorist 
activity directly and through proxies, such as Hezbollah. It continues 
to actively support the Asad regime Syria with fighters, arms, and 
petroleum. It continues its unrelenting drive for nuclear weapons, 
placing it at the top of our list of national security concerns. In my 
view it remains the paramount national security challenge we face, 
certainly in the Middle East, if not the world.
  We are at a crossroads in our Iran policy, and the question today is, 
What do we do next? The Obama administration, in concert with the 
Congress, has pursued a dual-track approach of diplomacy and sanctions. 
Two weeks ago members of the Foreign Relations Committee met with Lady 
Ashton, who has led the diplomatic track with the P5+1, along with 
Under Secretary Sherman. The talks have been central in demonstrating 
to the world that it is

[[Page S3741]]

Iran and not the United States that is acting in bad faith and it is 
Iran that, through its obstinacy, has helped galvanize the 
international community to increase the pressure. But the talks have 
failed to achieve their central objective, which is getting Iran to 
make concessions on its nuclear program.
  It is clear to me that we cannot allow the Iranians to continue to 
drag their feet by talking, while all the while they grow their nuclear 
program. Iran is proceeding at a fast pace. Today, as has been 
mentioned, the International Atomic Energy Agency, in its quarterly 
report, said that Iran has installed almost 700 advanced IR2m 
centrifuges at Natanz, an increase of more than 500 centrifuges since 
February of this year. These are centrifuges that can more efficiently 
and more quickly enrich uranium. The IAEA's report also again expressed 
concern about the possible military dimensions of Iran's nuclear 
program.
  We cannot allow Iran to buy more time by talking even as the 
centrifuges keep spinning. There is no doubt and there has never been a 
doubt--certainly not in my mind--that a nuclear-armed Iran is not an 
option for U.S. national security. That is why I have been fully 
dedicated to doing everything we can to stop Iran from ever crossing 
that threshold. That is why I introduced, along with Senator Graham, 
this resolution that makes clear that a nuclear Iran is not an option 
and that the United States has Israel's back. It is why I have come to 
this floor time after time as an author of some of the toughest 
sanctions that one country has ever levied against another, the 
sanctions against Iran.
  Working closely with my colleague Senator Kirk and with the Obama 
administration, we have implemented these sanctions in a way that is 
truly strangling the Iranian economy. Iran's leaders must understand 
that unless they change their course, their situation will only get 
worse and economic struggles and international isolation will grow. 
They must understand that at the end of the day their pursuit of a 
nuclear weapons capability will make them less, not more, secure.
  I also want to say something about Iran's unacceptable and deplorable 
approach to the State of Israel and its continued threats to the Jewish 
State. As the President has made clear time and again, America's 
commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable. I share the President's 
commitment to Israel's security, and I know my colleagues do as well. 
Every time Iran makes outrageous threats, it only succeeds in further 
uniting the world against it and strengthening America's resolve.
  I strongly support the close and unprecedented security cooperation 
that the administration has pursued with Israel, and I know this 
cooperation will only continue. I am deeply committed to doing 
everything I can to ensure that Israel is able to defend itself.
  While this resolution makes absolutely clear we are not authorizing 
the use of force, it does also make clear that we have Israel's back 
and, specifically, that if Israel is compelled to take military action 
in self-defense against Iran's nuclear program, we should stand with 
Israel, using all the tools of our national power to assist Israel in 
defense of its territory, its people, and its very existence.
  The bottom line is that Israel should always understand the United 
States has its back; that we will not allow Iran to obtain nuclear 
weapons capability, and if we are forced to, we will take whatever 
means necessary to prevent this outcome.
  As the President has reiterated on numerous occasions, all options--
all options--are on the table. That message, along with the solidarity 
of this Chamber, I intend to take with me on my visit to Israel later 
this week.
  The simple fact is we need to continue to apply pressure and we must 
bring along the international community in our effort. This has been 
incredibly important, because while we have led, we have had a 
multiplier effect with the multilateral support of the European Union 
and others so our sanctions can bite, and they have been biting. Iran's 
crude oil exports have been cut in half, from 2\1/2\ million barrels 
per day in 2011 to approximately 1.25 million barrels now per day. Iran 
still had energy sector exports, however, of $83 billion in 2012, 
including $60 billion in oil and another $23 billion in natural gas, 
fuel oil, and condensates. The sanctions are working, but they aren't 
enough, and they aren't working fast enough.
  In my view, we need to double down on four fronts.
  First, we need to encourage further reductions in energy sector 
purchases from Iran, including purchases of petroleum, fuel oil, and 
condensates and prevent Iran from engaging in trade in precious metals 
to circumvent sanctions; second, we need to ensure we have prohibited 
trade with Iran with respect to all dual-use items that can be used in 
Iran's nuclear program. That means adding additional industry sectors 
to the trade prohibition list; third, we need to ask the international 
community to ramp up the pressure and change Teheran's calculus. A 
nuclear Iran, after all, isn't only an American problem; and fourth, 
the time may have also come to look more seriously at all options and 
that would include increasing military presence and pressure against 
Iran.
  I believe there still may be time for diplomacy to work, but 
increased military pressure could signal to the supreme leader a 
nuclear program will undermine the security of his regime, not improve 
it.
  Fundamentally, the challenge remains a difficult one and we are 
walking a fine line. But this resolution says to the supreme leader of 
Iran that we will not let up, we will continue to apply pressure, and 
this continued pursuit of nuclear weapons is threatening the very 
existence of his regime.
  I urge my colleagues to support the Graham-Menendez resolution and 
full implementation of U.S. international sanctions on Iran. We are 
considering other options before the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, as well as working with our colleagues on the Senate Banking 
Committee to make it very clear we will exercise and exhaust all 
options that are peaceful diplomacy to achieve our ultimate goal.
  This resolution makes it very clear to the world we stand behind the 
President as he stands behind Israel, and it says to Israel: We 
continue to be your faithful ally. We recognize you as a clear 
democracy in a challenging part of the world, as a major security 
partner of the United States, and the one country most likely to be 
voting with us in international organizations in common cause with 
common values.
  That is what I think this vote will be about tonight.
  I reserve the remainder of my time because I do believe I have a 
colleague who wishes to speak, but I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina is recognized.
  There is 8 minutes remaining on the Republican side and 9 minutes 
remaining on the majority side.
  Mr. GRAHAM. At this time, I yield 2 minutes to my friend from 
Mississippi, Senator Wicker, who is a member of the Armed Services 
Committee.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.
  Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution because Iran represents the single largest threat to freedom 
and peace in the Middle East. Our State Department classifies Iran as 
the most active state sponsor of terrorism, period.
  A troubling news account from Reuters released just yesterday reveals 
a United Nations nuclear agency report due this week is ``expected to 
show Iran further increasing its capacity to produce material that . . 
. could eventually be put to developing atomic bombs.''
  The clock is ticking. This is a moment to be resolute. The forceful 
words we just heard from the distinguished chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee, and previously from the distinguished senior 
Senator from Arizona, demonstrate our firm bipartisan position on this 
matter. The world can ill afford the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran. 
That is why it is incumbent on the Congress and the President to take 
every action necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring a weapon of mass 
destruction. All options must be on the table, as the resolution 
indicates, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.
  Israel is a nation under siege by terrorist organizations, many of 
which are being directly funded by the Iranian regime. The United 
States must not waiver in its support and obligation to our friends in 
Israel. I am pleased this resolution reaffirms our commitment to 
Israel, particularly in the event

[[Page S3742]]

Israel is forced to exercise its sovereign right to defend itself.
  I urge my colleagues to take a firm stand against nuclear 
proliferation by voting for strengthened sanctions and for the adoption 
of this resolution.
  I yield back whatever time I may have remaining.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Connecticut.
  Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I rise to express my strong support 
for this resolution and to thank our colleagues Senator Graham and 
Senator Menendez for their leadership and to thank them also for giving 
me the privilege of working with them over the last years on this 
vitally important national security issue. It is vital not just to the 
existence of Israel--it is an existential issue for Israel--but to the 
national security of the United States.
  I believe Israel is a crucial ally of the United States and a 
successful democratic state in the Middle East. Recent turmoil in that 
region adds urgency and importance to ensuring that Israel remains a 
secure, stable, independent state.
  This resolution is a reaffirmation of the readiness of the United 
States of America to assist Israel, our steadfast partner in the 
region, to thwart any measure of aggression made toward Israel by Iran.
  It is also a reaffirmation of the policy long supported by this 
body--by our colleagues here, by all of us in a very personal and 
direct way--that we have the back of the President of the United States 
in his insisting on strong sanctions against Iran as long as it 
continues its development of a nuclear capability.
  In the coming days, I will be introducing, along with my colleague 
the senior Senator from North Dakota, Mr. Hoeven, a resolution that 
calls for free and fair elections in Iran. Regardless of the outcome of 
these elections--and they are likely to be sham elections--we can't 
avoid the sad fact that Iran has maintained its course and commitment 
to nuclear development. The centrifuges are spinning, they are going, 
and more are brought online every day in this breakout for nuclear 
capacity. So we have to be wary of false signals of hope and remain 
vigilant in our constant effort to secure against Iran faithfully 
pursuing nuclear weapons.
  Fruitless negotiations can't be our reason to call a halt to these 
sanctions. That can come only with compliance--verified compliance. We 
have to remain vigilant and remember that Iran has threatened to attack 
not only Israel but the United States. It has substantiated those words 
with attacks on our troops in Iraq and on American civilians visiting 
or living in Israel.
  It is Israel who helps diffuse those threats from Hamas and Hezbollah 
and all who have targeted America. If Iran chooses to declare war on 
Israel, if it ignores the path of peace the international community has 
repeatedly laid down for it, they must know they do it at their peril.
  The United States supports our strategic partner Israel, and that is 
why I support S. Res. 65, because it demonstrates our full, unyielding, 
unstinting support for Israel if the unthinkable and the avoidable 
happens.
  I yield back the remainder of my time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
  Mr. GRAHAM. At this time, I yield 5 minutes to my good friend from 
Texas, a strong supporter of the United States-Israel relationship, 
Senator Cornyn.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Texas.
  Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, back in October 2012, two Iran experts at 
the Foundation for Defense of Democracies wrote a sobering article 
about the Iranian nuclear program. They concluded that, despite years 
of international and unilateral sanctions, Iran's economy had been 
allowed to remain healthy enough to leave a vanishingly short period of 
time for sanctions to do the work that might possibly head off military 
action.
  Seven months have passed since that article was written, and over 
that period of time the following things have happened: The Iranians 
have upgraded their biggest uranium enrichment plant. The head of the 
International Atomic Energy Agency has found credible evidence that 
Tehran has secretly been pursuing nuclear weapons technology. The 
United States renewed sanction waivers for countries that import 
substantial amounts of Iranian oil. President Obama installed a harsh 
critic of Iran sanctions as his Secretary of Defense. The Iranians have 
continued to prop up Syria and its dictator Bashar Asad and transport 
dangerous weapons to Hezbollah as well.
  In short, the Iranians are feeling emboldened, America's credibility 
is being tested, and time is running out. For these reasons, I am a 
proud cosponsor of S. Res. 65, which would send a clear message we are 
determined not just to contain Iran but to prevent the Iranians from 
acquiring a nuclear weapon.
  It would also send a clear message the United States will stand with 
Israel if our democratic ally is forced to take military action in 
legitimate self-defense.
  I would also add that I have joined my colleague from Illinois 
Senator Kirk in introducing a separate bill, the Iran Export Embargo 
Act, which would further expand U.S. sanctions by prohibiting companies 
from doing business with any entity that is owned or controlled by the 
Government of Iran.
  More specifically, our bill would prohibit all export-related 
transactions conducted on behalf of Iranian Government entities, and it 
would block their assets.
  One final point. The Iranians are not just waiting to see how we beef 
up sanctions, they are also waiting to see how we respond to Syria's 
apparent use of poison gas. After all, President Obama famously warned 
the Asad regime that deploying chemical weapons would be tantamount to 
crossing a red line. Yet the White House is walking back its red line 
comments and issuing retroactive qualifiers.
  We can be sure the mullahs are taking notes, and we can be sure the 
outcome of the Syrian civil war will help determine the outcome of the 
Iranian nuclear crisis.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I rise in support of S. Res. 65, an 
important and timely resolution that restates U.S. policy to prevent 
Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability and expresses U.S. 
support should Israel be compelled to take military action against Iran 
in its own legitimate self-defense.
  I would like to take this time to thank my colleagues Senator 
Menendez, Senator Graham, Senator Hoeven, and Senator Blumenthal for 
joining forces to introduce this important bipartisan resolution that 
recognizes and reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and 
cooperation that have existed between the United States and the State 
of Israel for more than six decades.
  Make no mistake--the diplomatic, security, and economic relationship 
between Israel and the United States is stronger than it has ever been, 
and nothing can break that everlasting bond. But let's be completely 
frank. Right now, our friend Israel faces one of the gravest threats it 
has confronted in more than a half a century.
  The Islamic Republic of Iran is dangerously obsessed with the goal of 
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. And we are getting closer and 
closer to ``crunch time'' in terms of Iran developing that nuclear 
weapons capability.
  Time is of the essence, but unfortunately the latest talks between 
the United States, our international partners, and Iran in Almaty, 
Kazakhstan, failed to achieve any progress toward curbing Tehran's 
nuclear ambitions. ``Talks'' about the ``future talks'' are ongoing, 
but the centrifuges continue to spin in Iran, with more advanced 
centrifuges on the way.
  And who can deny the horrific actions of the Iranian regime. From its 
support of the vicious Asad regime in Syria, which is spearheading a 
human rights catastrophe that has led to the deaths of more than 70,000 
people, to its backing of murderous terrorist organizations like Hamas 
and Hezbollah, the Iranian regime is getting more and more dangerous by 
the day. All the while, Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad continues 
to guide his people down a very perilous path.
  That is why this bipartisan resolution is so timely. It recognizes 
the tremendous threat posed to the United States, the West, and Israel 
by Iran's continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability, and it 
deplores and condemns in the strongest possible terms

[[Page S3743]]

the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of the Islamic 
Republic of Iran threatening the security and existence of Israel.
  The United States must do everything we can--as quickly as we can--to 
convince the Iranian Government that it is in its interest to abandon 
its pursuit of nuclear weapons. This resolution sends a blunt message 
to the Government of Iran the United States will take whatever steps 
are necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons 
capability.
  This resolution states that nothing in this text shall be construed 
as an authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war. But 
rest assured, I believe that when it comes to Iran, we should never 
take the military option off the table. President Obama has stated that 
Israel is a true friend. And if Israel is attacked, America will stand 
with Israel. Most importantly, President Obama has said that Iran's 
leaders should understand that he does not have a policy of 
containment; rather President Obama has a policy to prevent Iran from 
obtaining a nuclear weapon.'' I take the President at his word, and so 
should the Government of Iran. But we need to ratchet up the sanctions 
and the pressure on Iran now.
  And rest assured--Congress has given the President a powerful package 
of economic sanctions that will paralyze the Iranian economy and I am 
confident we in Congress will do more and this Administration will do 
more to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapons capability.
  I strongly urge my colleagues in the Senate to support this important 
resolution and I look forward to its swift passage.
  Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, I rise today in advocacy for each of my 
colleagues to come to the floor this afternoon and vote in support of 
Senate Resolution 65. This vital resolution makes a clear statement to 
Iran--both to the current regime and to Iranian citizens who wish for 
real and true change from the status quo--that the United States will 
not tolerate its development of a nuclear weapon. Additionally, Senate 
Resolution 65 expresses the United States' unconditional support for 
Israel's right to self-defense against the threat of a nuclear Iran.
  These vital statements come at a time when change could happen with 
Iran's elections next month. But unfortunately, there is little reason 
to believe things will change. According to the State Department, Iran 
remains the most active state sponsor of terrorism. This is a statistic 
that must be addressed. Iran's continual material and financial support 
to Hezbollah and Hamas, expanding involvement in Syria, and serial 
deception of its nuclear program are unlikely to be different a month 
from now; a year from now; perhaps, a decade from now. Especially as 
Iran continues to reject the United Nation's International Atomic 
Energy Agency's, IAEA, regulatory authority and oversight, the United 
States must reiterate the plain and simple fact that a nuclear Iran is 
unacceptable.
  When looking at the bigger picture, the recent terrorist attacks and 
killings in Boston and Benghazi remind all Americans that our war on 
terrorism continues. Even as troop numbers dwindle in Afghanistan, this 
fight and its core focus are far from over. We must continue to combat 
the terrorist threat around the world and strengthen our allied 
relationships as this fight continues. Iran's funneling of weapons and 
aid to terrorist cells increases their threat beyond the neighborhood. 
Iran is not only a threat to Israel but to the United States as well. 
Senate Resolution 65 reminds us of this fact and of the long and 
important strategic relationship our nations have shared, one which has 
been built of mutual trust and strengthened through security 
cooperation.
  I strongly support the United States' determination to prevent Iran 
from obtaining a nuclear weapon. I strongly support this resolution as 
it makes our determination unequivocal. All options are on the table.
  To avoid our option of last resort, armed conflict, it is important 
that this Congress continue to push for full implementation of 
sanctions against the current regime in Iran to cripple their ability 
to acquire a nuclear weapon. I encourage all of my colleagues to join 
me in advocating for this--not only this administration, but for the 
European Union and democracies around the world to strengthen their 
sanctions on this rogue regime, as Iran's beliefs, rhetoric, and 
actions threaten every nation who calls for democracy and freedom.
  Of greatest importance, this resolution makes it crystal clear that 
the United States stands firmly behind Israel and her right to self-
defense by pledging full support should Israel take military action 
against the threat of Iran's nuclear program. This is not an 
authorization for use of military force or a declaration of war. 
However, it sends the right message to Iran and the rest of the world. 
The United States stands strong behind our allies. Even in this time of 
necessary financial restraint, the United States will never leave an 
ally to fight alone.
  Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of S. Res. 65, a 
resolution which sends Israel, Iran, and the region a clear message: We 
stand with our friends in Israel as they face the looming threat of a 
nuclear-capable Iran.
  I thank Senators Graham and Menendez for submitting this critical 
resolution, which comes as we face a dangerous crossroads in the Middle 
East.
  Iran's quest for a nuclear weapons capability is moving closer and 
closer to fruition. Talks with Iran have yet to achieve the progress 
necessary to restrain Iran's nuclear ambitions and to compel Iran to 
comply with the standards and norms expected of members of the world 
community. And while sanctions are having a significant impact on 
Iran's economy, they have not yet caused Iran's leaders to alter their 
course.
  Just yesterday, Iran's leaders again showed their uncompromising and 
hard-line stance by excluding viable opposition candidates from their 
upcoming Presidential election.
  There has been a special bond of friendship and cooperation between 
the U.S. and the State of Israel for over 60 years, which continues to 
retain broad bipartisan support. We should continue to support and 
expand the close military, intelligence, and security cooperation 
between our two countries.
  In this context, S. Res. 65 makes three vital points.
  First, it reiterates that it is U.S. policy to prevent Iran from 
achieving a nuclear weapons capability.
  Second, it calls for the full implementation of United States and 
international sanctions on Iran and urges the President to continue and 
strengthen enforcement of sanctions legislation, including closing 
loopholes that allow the regime to skirt sanctions.
  And third, it makes clear the U.S. should stand in support of Israel 
in case Israel is compelled to take military action in self-defense, in 
accordance with U.S. law and Congress's constitutional responsibility 
to authorize the use of force.
  Now is not the time for America to project any ambiguity concerning 
Iran's nuclear program.
  While we hope that sanctions will ultimately prove successful in 
persuading the regime to halt its nuclear ambitions, we must at the 
same time make clear to Tehran that we will stand with Israel. Any 
other message will simply encourage the mullahs to believe that Iran 
can pursue its nuclear ambitions with impunity--and may facilitate 
precisely the sort of crisis that we all hope to avoid.
  I urge my colleagues to stand with Israel by voting in favor of S. 
Res. 65.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I support the resolution on Iran that we 
are voting on today, and I hope it sends a strong message to Iran as it 
continues to flout the international community in pursuit of a nuclear 
program that is a significant challenge to our Nation, our allies, and 
the world.
  While a diplomatic arrangement in which Iran rejoins the responsible 
community of nations remains far and away the preferred outcome, there 
is a consensus in that a nuclear-armed Iran is not acceptable and that 
all options--including military options--must remain available to 
prevent such an outcome.
  However, according to a New York Times report today, Iran is pressing 
ahead with the construction of a research reactor that could offer it 
another way to produce material for a nuclear weapon should it decide 
to do so.

[[Page S3744]]

If true, this is further evidence that Iran is not interested in a 
diplomatic solution, but rather in walking up to the line of a nuclear 
weapon capability to fuel an arms race in the region, increase the risk 
of proliferation, and challenge the global community.
  Over the past 2 years, the National Defense Authorization Act has 
included sanctions provisions that have ratcheted up the pressure on 
Iran's ability to facilitate and support its illicit network of nuclear 
suppliers and has made it more difficult for the government of Iran to 
conduct business as usual until Iran changes its course. I will 
continue to support additional unilateral and multilateral sanctions 
regimes that further increase the pressure on Iran's economy.
  I look forward to supporting this resolution today, and I urge my 
colleagues to support it as well.
  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, how much time remains?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 2 minutes remaining.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I thank Senator Cornyn and every person who spoke today 
and all the Senators who cosponsored this resolution. I thank Senator 
Reid for making the time available. Senator Menendez has been a 
terrific partner, the strongest voice one could hope for in having a 
partner on the Democratic side to stand at a time when it matters.
  In conclusion, on March 4, 2012, the President, President Obama, said 
``when the chips are down, I have Israel's back.''
  Mr. President, you were right then. Today the Senate will speak with 
one voice echoing what you said.
  There is a lot of wonderment about what is going to happen with the 
Iranian nuclear program. I hope and pray they stop their nuclear 
ambitions because they don't want a nuclear reactor, they want a 
nuclear weapon. If they ever get one we will never be safe, Israel will 
be under the gun for the rest of its existence, and they will share the 
technology with the terrorists. Every Sunni Arab state will want a 
nuclear weapon to counter the Shia Persians and all hell will break out 
beyond what it is today in the Mid-East.
  How do we prevent that? Sanctions, diplomacy, but the one thing we 
cannot have in doubt is what we would do if Israel had to act in her 
self-defense to stop the nuclear ambitions of an Iranian regime that 
has promised to wipe the State of Israel off the map.
  After today, in about 10 or 15 minutes, I believe every Member of the 
Senate will be telling the Iranians we are not going to allow them to 
get a nuclear weapon because if we do, they will throw the world in 
chaos. It will threaten our very existence, as well as the State of 
Israel, but most important we are going to tell everybody in the Mid-
East, throughout the world, in Tehran, Jerusalem and Tel Aviv that if 
there is a conflict where Israel is justified in defending herself 
against a nuclear-capable Iran, we will be there for them. We will have 
their back. Where I come from, when we tell somebody, ``I have your 
back,'' that means if they get into a fight for their very life, they 
can count on us to be there.
  In this case, Israel can count on the American people, the Senate, 
and our Commander in Chief to be there. If that day ever comes, and I 
pray it does not, but if that day ever comes where Israel has to take 
military action, to our friends in Israel: We will be there with you 
every step of the way, diplomatically, economically, and, yes, 
militarily.
  To the Iranian people: We would love to have a better relationship 
with you. To the Iranian regime: You are one of the biggest evils on 
the planet. We will stand up to you. We will stand by our friends. And 
your desire to throw the world in chaos is never going to happen 
because we will be there when necessary to stop your ambitions.
  To every colleague who has taken time out to sponsor this resolution, 
taken time out to speak on the floor: Thank you. There is not much we 
agree on 100 percent, but I think today will be a major milestone in 
our efforts to secure Israel and the United States. I think today we 
will have 100 percent support by the Senate and stand by our friends in 
Israel and stand up to the thugs in Iran.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana is recognized.
  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from South Carolina 
for bringing this forward. We have implemented now another set of 
sanctions. There is still some question as to whether sanctions will 
succeed and bring about the result we want, but I particularly commend 
my colleague for his statement just a few moments ago relative to the 
commitment of the United States toward the security, safety and 
preservation of Israel in light of this threat that exists in Iran.
  For years and years the clock has been ticking as the Iranians pursue 
nuclear weapons capability. We know that for a fact. We need to exert 
every possible measure that we can to give them reason not to go 
forward and do this. That involves everything from diplomacy to 
pressure through multinational organizations, through sanctions and 
ever-tightening, ever-ratcheting sanctions against them, but also the 
commitment to use whatever force may be necessary. I, along with my 
colleague, pray this does not happen. But Iran absolutely has to know 
that the United States will be standing shoulder to shoulder with the 
nation of Israel. If they level their gun sights at Israel, they are 
going to see us in the scope, standing shoulder to shoulder. We are 
committed to that. We are committed to doing everything we possibly can 
to prohibit and prevent Iran from achieving this nuclear capability. We 
will take whatever steps are necessary if they use it--if they gain 
that and use it for inappropriate purposes or any purposes other than 
production of medical devices and products as well as providing nuclear 
power.
  I trust also that we have a 100-percent vote on this so we send a 
very strong signal to the Iranians that we will not tolerate them going 
forward with this plan.
  I thank the Senator for yielding time.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, notwithstanding the previous order with 
respect to S. Res. 65, I ask consent that the committee-reported 
amendment be agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I do not see any other speakers. I yield the remainder of 
the time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back. The question is on 
adoption of S. Res. 65, as amended.
  Mr. GRAHAM. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. 
Lautenberg) is necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 99, nays 0, not voting 1, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 133 Leg.]

                                YEAS--99

     Alexander
     Ayotte
     Baldwin
     Barrasso
     Baucus
     Begich
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Blunt
     Boozman
     Boxer
     Brown
     Burr
     Cantwell
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Chambliss
     Coats
     Coburn
     Cochran
     Collins
     Coons
     Corker
     Cornyn
     Cowan
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Donnelly
     Durbin
     Enzi
     Feinstein
     Fischer
     Flake
     Franken
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hagan
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Heinrich
     Heitkamp
     Heller
     Hirono
     Hoeven
     Inhofe
     Isakson
     Johanns
     Johnson (SD)
     Johnson (WI)
     Kaine
     King
     Kirk
     Klobuchar
     Landrieu
     Leahy
     Lee
     Levin
     Manchin
     McCain
     McCaskill
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Mikulski
     Moran
     Murkowski
     Murphy
     Murray
     Nelson
     Paul
     Portman
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Risch
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Rubio
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Scott
     Sessions
     Shaheen
     Shelby
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Thune
     Toomey
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Vitter
     Warner
     Warren
     Whitehouse
     Wicker
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Lautenberg
       
  The resolution (S. Res. 65), as amended, was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the preamble is 
agreed to and the motions to reconsider are considered made and laid 
upon the table.

[[Page S3745]]

  The resolution (S. Res. 65), as amended, with its preamble, reads as 
follows:

                               S. Res. 65

       Whereas, on May 14, 1948, the people of Israel proclaimed 
     the establishment of the sovereign and independent State of 
     Israel;
       Whereas, on March 28, 1949, the United States Government 
     recognized the establishment of the new State of Israel and 
     established full diplomatic relations;
       Whereas, since its establishment nearly 65 years ago, the 
     modern State of Israel has rebuilt a nation, forged a new and 
     dynamic democratic society, and created a thriving economic, 
     political, cultural, and intellectual life despite the heavy 
     costs of war, terrorism, and unjustified diplomatic and 
     economic boycotts against the people of Israel;
       Whereas the people of Israel have established a vibrant, 
     pluralistic, democratic political system, including freedom 
     of speech, association, and religion; a vigorously free 
     press; free, fair, and open elections; the rule of law; a 
     fully independent judiciary; and other democratic principles 
     and practices;
       Whereas, since the 1979 revolution in Iran, the leaders of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran have repeatedly made threats 
     against the existence of the State of Israel and sponsored 
     acts of terrorism and violence against its citizens;
       Whereas, on October 27, 2005, President of Iran Mahmoud 
     Ahmadinejad called for a world without America and Zionism;
       Whereas, in February 2012, Supreme Leader of Iran Ali 
     Khamenei said of Israel, ``The Zionist regime is a true 
     cancer tumor on this region that should be cut off. And it 
     definitely will be cut off.'';
       Whereas, in August 2012, Supreme Leader Khamenei said of 
     Israel, ``This bogus and fake Zionist outgrowth will 
     disappear off the landscape of geography.'';
       Whereas, in August 2012, President Ahmadinejad said that 
     ``in the new Middle East . . . there will be no trace of the 
     American presence and the Zionists'';
       Whereas the Department of State has designated the Islamic 
     Republic of Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism since 1984 
     and has characterized the Islamic Republic of Iran as the 
     ``most active state sponsor of terrorism'' in the world;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     provided weapons, training, funding, and direction to 
     terrorist groups, including Hamas, Hizballah, and Shiite 
     militias in Iraq that are responsible for the murder of 
     hundreds of United States service members and innocent 
     civilians;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     provided weapons, training, and funding to the regime of 
     Bashar al Assad that has been used to suppress and murder its 
     own people;
       Whereas, since at least the late 1980s, the Government of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran has engaged in a sustained and 
     well-documented pattern of illicit and deceptive activities 
     to acquire a nuclear weapons capability;
       Whereas, since September 2005, the Board of Governors of 
     the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has found the 
     Islamic Republic of Iran to be in non-compliance with its 
     safeguards agreement with the IAEA, which Iran is obligated 
     to undertake as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the 
     Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at 
     Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 1968, and entered into 
     force March 5, 1970 (NPT);
       Whereas the United Nations Security Council has adopted 
     multiple resolutions since 2006 demanding of the Government 
     of the Islamic Republic of Iran its full and sustained 
     suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and reprocessing 
     activities and its full cooperation with the IAEA on all 
     outstanding issues related to its nuclear activities, 
     particularly those concerning the possible military 
     dimensions of its nuclear program;
       Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has 
     refused to comply with United Nations Security Council 
     resolutions or to fully cooperate with the IAEA;
       Whereas, in November 2011, the IAEA Director General issued 
     a report that documented ``serious concerns regarding 
     possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear programme,'' 
     and affirmed that information available to the IAEA indicates 
     that ``Iran has carried out activities relevant to the 
     development of a nuclear explosive device'' and that some 
     activities may be ongoing;
       Whereas the Government of Iran stands in violation of the 
     Universal Declaration of Human Rights for denying its 
     citizens basic freedoms, including the freedoms of 
     expression, religion, peaceful assembly and movement, and for 
     flagrantly abusing the rights of minorities and women;
       Whereas in his State of the Union Address on January 24, 
     2012, President Barack Obama stated, ``Let there be no doubt: 
     America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear 
     weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve 
     that goal.'';
       Whereas Congress has passed and the President has signed 
     into law legislation imposing significant economic and 
     diplomatic sanctions on Iran to encourage the Government of 
     Iran to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons and end its 
     support for terrorism;
       Whereas these sanctions, while having significant effect, 
     have yet to persuade Iran to abandon its illicit pursuits and 
     comply with United Nations Security Council resolutions;
       Whereas more stringent enforcement of sanctions 
     legislation, including elements targeting oil exports and 
     access to foreign exchange, could still lead the Government 
     of Iran to change course;
       Whereas, in his State of the Union Address on February 12, 
     2013, President Obama reiterated, ``The leaders of Iran must 
     recognize that now is the time for a diplomatic solution, 
     because a coalition stands united in demanding that they meet 
     their obligations. And we will do what is necessary to 
     prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``Iran's 
     leaders should understand that I do not have a policy of 
     containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a 
     nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama said of Iran, 
     ``The clock is ticking . . . And we're going to make sure 
     that if they do not meet the demands of the international 
     community, then we are going to take all options necessary to 
     make sure they don't have a nuclear weapon.'';
       Whereas, on May 19, 2011, President Obama stated, ``Every 
     state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able 
     to defend itself, by itself, against any threat.'';
       Whereas, on September 21, 2011, President Obama stated, 
     ``America's commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable. 
     Our friendship with Israel is deep and enduring.'';
       Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``And 
     whenever an effort is made to delegitimize the state of 
     Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should 
     not be a shred of doubt by now: when the chips are down, I 
     have Israel's back.'';
       Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama stated, 
     ``Israel is a true friend. And if Israel is attacked, America 
     will stand with Israel. I've made that clear throughout my 
     presidency . . . I will stand with Israel if they are 
     attacked.'';
       Whereas, in December 2012, 74 United States Senators wrote 
     to President Obama ``As you begin your second term as 
     President, we ask you to reiterate your readiness to take 
     military action against Iran if it continues its efforts to 
     acquire a nuclear weapon. In addition, we urge you to work 
     with our European and Middle Eastern allies to demonstrate to 
     the Iranians that a credible and capable multilateral 
     coalition exists that would support a military strike if, in 
     the end, this is unfortunately necessary.''; and
       Whereas the United States-Israel Enhanced Security 
     Cooperation Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-150) stated that it 
     is United States policy to support Israel's inherent right to 
     self-defense: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,

     SECTION 1. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       Congress--
       (1) reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and 
     cooperation that have existed between the United States and 
     the State of Israel for more than sixty years and that enjoy 
     overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress and among the 
     people of the United States;
       (2) strongly supports the close military, intelligence, and 
     security cooperation that President Obama has pursued with 
     Israel and urges this cooperation to continue and deepen;
       (3) deplores and condemns, in the strongest possible terms, 
     the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of 
     the Islamic Republic of Iran threatening the security and 
     existence of Israel;
       (4) recognizes the tremendous threat posed to the United 
     States, the West, and Israel by the Government of Iran's 
     continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability;
       (5) reiterates that the policy of the United States is to 
     prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon capability and 
     to take such action as may be necessary to implement this 
     policy;
       (6) reaffirms its strong support for the full 
     implementation of United States and international sanctions 
     on Iran and urges the President to continue and strengthen 
     enforcement of sanctions legislation;
       (7) declares that the United States has a vital national 
     interest in, and unbreakable commitment to, ensuring the 
     existence, survival, and security of the State of Israel, and 
     reaffirms United States support for Israel's right to self-
     defense; and
       (8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled to 
     take military action in legitimate self-defense against 
     Iran's nuclear weapons program, the United States Government 
     should stand with Israel and provide, in accordance with 
     United States law and the constitutional responsibility of 
     Congress to authorize the use of military force, diplomatic, 
     military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in 
     its defense of its territory, people, and existence.

     SEC. 2. RULES OF CONSTRUCTION.

       Nothing in this resolution shall be construed as an 
     authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war.

                          ____________________




    

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