July 15, 2019 - Issue: Vol. 165, No. 118 — Daily Edition116th Congress (2019 - 2020) - 1st Session
SUPPORT OF H.R. 2500, THE NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT; Congressional Record Vol. 165, No. 118
(Extensions of Remarks - July 15, 2019)
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[Extensions of Remarks] [Pages E919-E920] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] SUPPORT OF H.R. 2500, THE NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT ______ HON. PETER A. DeFAZIO of oregon in the house of representatives Monday, July 15, 2019 Mr. DeFAZIO. Madam Speaker, last Friday I voted in support of H.R. 2500, the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year (FY) 2020. While I have consistently opposed this legislation in previous years and still have concerns about a number of provisions included in this year's legislation--including yet another spending increase to an already bloated Pentagon budget--this legislation also contains numerous policy priorities that I strongly support and which have not been included in recent Republican-led NDAAs. First, this legislation grants our men and women in uniform a well- deserved pay raise of 3.1 percent--the largest pay raise for our troops since the last Democratic House majority in 2010. Those who serve in uniform continue to make extraordinary sacrifices for our country and the very least we can do is grant them a pay raise. I am pleased that this legislation also includes numerous provisions that require the Department of Defense (DoD) to address the existential threat of climate change, including updating military construction standards to promote energy and climate resilience. It also requires DoD to report on its progress towards meeting the goal of 25 percent renewable energy for military facilities by 2025. Additionally, I am pleased that this legislation prevents the president from diverting defense funding to pay for an unnecessary border wall, prohibits funding for the deployment of dangerous low- yield nuclear weapons, nullifies President Trump's discriminatory military transgender ban, and helps protect our veterans from being taken advantage of by predatory, for-profit colleges. Moreover, it ends the unfair Survivor Benefit Plan (SBP)/Indemnity Compensation (DIC) offset--also known as the ``widow's tax''--which currently reduces spouse survivor benefits by an average of $1,250 per month. I am also strongly supportive of the inclusion of twelve weeks of paid family and medical leave for all federal employees. This legislation also includes several provisions to strengthen our national security, including requiring the DoD to enhance our election security, countering Russian aggression and election interference, enhancing security cooperation with our allies in Europe and Asia, and protecting against the increasing risk of cyber attacks. I have always advocated for strengthening Congress's constitutional authority to declare war and limiting the president's authority to engage in armed conflict without the consent of Congress. That's why I voted in support of amendments to prevent the president from using unauthorized force against Iran, to prohibit U.S. support to and participation in the Saudi-led coalition's military operations in Yemen, and to repeal the long-outdated 2002 authorization for the use of military force (AUMF) in Iraq. I am proud that these amendments passed with bipartisan support. This year I have once again introduced legislation to amend the War Powers Resolution [[Page E920]] of 1973 and reassert Congress's constitutional war powers. I have also consistently supported legislation to repeal the 2001 AUMF, which the Pentagon uses to continue to justify the 18 years our troops have been fighting in the Middle East. President Trump has sent troops to Syria, Yemen, and elsewhere without seeking a new AUMF, which in my view is a violation of the War Powers Resolution. Furthermore, I am pleased that this legislation accelerates closure of the Guantanamo Bay detention facility by prohibiting new detainees and allowing transfer of detainees to secure facilities in the United States. This unnecessary facility costs almost $450 million each year to house 40 prisoners and has been used as a top recruiting tool by terrorists. The prison at Guantanamo Bay has been a black eye for the United States, eroding relationships with our allies, undermining U.S. missions abroad, and putting U.S. citizens and our troops at risk of retaliation. However, I believe this legislation could have made responsible cuts to our defense budget without jeopardizing the safety of our troops or undermining our national security. For years, Congress has continued to increase the Pentagon's budget despite overwhelming evidence of its waste and abuse of taxpayer money. This year's legislation--with its outrageous top line defense budget of $733 billion--is yet another example of Congress's habit of increasing the defense budget every year. I have long supported a financial audit of the Pentagon. Unlike every other federal agency, the DoD has yet to pass a financial audit. In November 2018, the Pentagon spectacularly failed its first full audit, which highlighted numerous examples of waste and abuse. While I am pleased that this year's NDAA requires an annual audit of the DoD in order to help identify waste, it is ridiculous to provide the Pentagon a massive spending increase--as this bill does--when the Pentagon cannot even account for how it spends taxpayer money. In particular, I have always opposed the DoD's Overseas Contingency Operation (OCO) account, a fiscally irresponsible fund that is not counted in the budget, recklessly adds to our mounting debt, and has no congressional oversight. OCO is a Pentagon slush fund that gives a blank check to fund endless wars that Congress hasn't authorized. That's why I co-led an amendment to cut OCO funding in the bill by approximately 25 percent. I am disappointed that this amendment failed to pass. The bottom line is that fiscal responsibility and accountability at the Pentagon would allow for funds to be better spent supporting the needs of our troops, meeting our obligations to veterans, and ensuring our legitimate defense needs are prioritized. I strongly encourage my Senate colleagues to keep the strong provisions included in the House NDAA and not water the bill down. ____________________