July 16, 2019 - Issue: Vol. 165, No. 119 — Daily Edition116th Congress (2019 - 2020) - 1st Session
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CONDEMNING PRESIDENT TRUMP'S RACIST COMMENTS DIRECTED AT MEMBERS OF CONGRESS; Congressional Record Vol. 165, No. 119
(House of Representatives - July 16, 2019)
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[Pages H5845-H5857] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] {time} 1415 CONDEMNING PRESIDENT TRUMP'S RACIST COMMENTS DIRECTED AT MEMBERS OF CONGRESS Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 491, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 489) condemning President Trump's racist comments directed at Members of Congress, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House. The Clerk read the title of the resolution. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Cleaver). Pursuant to House Resolution 491, the resolution is considered read. The text of the resolution is as follows: H. Res. 489 Whereas the Founders conceived America as a haven of refuge for people fleeing from religious and political persecution, and Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison all emphasized that the Nation gained as it attracted new people in search of freedom and livelihood for their families; Whereas the Declaration of Independence defined America as a covenant based on equality, the unalienable Rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and government by the consent of the people; Whereas Benjamin Franklin said at the Constitutional convention, ``When foreigners after looking about for some other Country in which they can obtain more happiness, give a preference to ours, it is a proof of attachment which ought to excite our confidence and affection''; Whereas President Franklin D. Roosevelt said, ``Remember, remember always, that all of us, and you and I especially, are descended from immigrants and revolutionists''; Whereas immigration of people from all over the Earth has defined every stage of American history and propelled our social, economic, political, scientific, cultural, artistic, and technological progress as a people, and all Americans, except for the descendants of Native people and enslaved African Americans, are immigrants or descendants of immigrants; Whereas the commitment to immigration and asylum has been not a partisan cause but a powerful national value that has infused the work of many Presidents; Whereas American patriotism is defined not by race or ethnicity but by devotion to the Constitutional ideals of equality, liberty, inclusion, and democracy and by service to our communities and struggle for the common good; Whereas President John F. Kennedy, whose family came to the United States from Ireland, stated in his 1958 book ``A Nation of Immigrants'' that ``The contribution of immigrants can be seen in every aspect of our national life. We see it in religion, in politics, in business, in the arts, in education, even in athletics and entertainment. There is no part of our nation that has not been touched by our immigrant background. Everywhere immigrants have enriched and strengthened the fabric of American life.''; Whereas President Ronald Reagan in his last speech as President conveyed ``An observation about a country which I love''; Whereas as President Reagan observed, the torch of Lady Liberty symbolizes our freedom and represents our heritage, the compact with our parents, our grandparents, and our ancestors, and it is the Statue of Liberty and its values that give us our great and special place in the world; Whereas other countries may seek to compete with us, but in one vital area, as ``a beacon of freedom and opportunity that draws the people of the world, no country on Earth comes close''; Whereas it is the great life force of ``each generation of new Americans that guarantees that America's triumph shall continue unsurpassed'' through the 21st century and beyond and is part of the ``magical, intoxicating power of America''; Whereas this is ``one of the most important sources of America's greatness: we lead the world because, unique among nations, we draw our people -- our strength -- from every country and every corner of the world, and by doing so we continuously renew and enrich our nation''; Whereas ``thanks to each wave of new arrivals to this land of opportunity, we're a nation forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas, and always on the cutting edge'', always leading the world to the next frontier; Whereas this openness is vital to our future as a Nation, and ``if we ever closed the door to new Americans, our leadership in the world would soon be lost''; and Whereas President Donald Trump's racist comments have legitimized fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That the House of Representatives-- (1) believes that immigrants and their descendants have made America stronger, and that those who take the oath of citizenship are every bit as American as those whose families have lived in the United States for many generations; (2) is committed to keeping America open to those lawfully seeking refuge and asylum from violence and oppression, and those who are willing to work hard to live the American Dream, no matter their race, ethnicity, faith, or country of origin; and (3) strongly condemns President Donald Trump's racist comments that have legitimized and increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color by saying that our fellow Americans who are immigrants, and those who may look to the President like immigrants, should ``go back'' to other countries, by referring to immigrants and asylum seekers as ``invaders,'' and by saying that Members of Congress who are immigrants (or those of our colleagues who are wrongly assumed to be immigrants) do not belong in Congress or in the United States of America. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The resolution shall be debatable for 1 hour, equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) and the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) each will control 30 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York. General Leave Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and insert extraneous material on H. Res. 489. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York? There was no objection. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes. Mr. Speaker, the comments described in this resolution were not just offensive to our colleagues; they were inconsistent with the principles and values upon which this Nation was founded. In urging four female Members of Congress of color to ``go back'' where they came from, these comments were not only factually incorrect, but they were also deeply hurtful and divisive. These were shocking comments, even from an administration that rips children from the arms of their parents and warehouses asylum seekers in facilities under inhumane conditions. We cannot let this moment pass without a forceful condemnation. Need I remind the Speaker that this is the same President who defended the ``very fine people'' at the neo-Nazi march in Charlottesville, who denounced the ``s-hole countries'' in Africa and the Caribbean, who claimed that Haitian immigrants ``all have AIDS,'' [[Page H5846]] and who declared that a Mexican American judge who was born in the United States had an ``inherent conflict of interest'' against him. At every turn, Democrats have denounced offensive comments that emanate from the White House, but the silence coming from the other side of the aisle has been deafening. I hope that will finally change today. This Congress must speak--loudly and with one voice--to condemn the President's words and, more importantly, to condemn the sentiments behind them. The United States should be a beacon of hope and a refuge to those who need its protection, and it should welcome with open arms those who embody our values and ideals. From our earliest days as a nation, we have welcomed people fleeing persecution and violence and those who seek economic opportunity and freedom in a land whose diversity is one of its greatest strengths. But the President has, instead, pursued a relentless campaign to build both a literal and a figurative wall around this Nation. We must not turn our backs on our historic commitment to immigration and to refuge, and we must not fall prey to racial stereotypes and nativist fear-mongering that thinks that some immigrants who came here years ago are okay but those who come here today, because they are from so-called s-hole countries, are not okay. It was Martin Luther King who told us: ``I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.'' The offensive words by the President undermine that dream. They contradict that dream. Mr. Chair, I hope that all of my colleagues will join me in denouncing racism and in supporting this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this is the third time that I have stood in this well this year on this floor about this subject, and I have been clear at every juncture: Racism, bigotry, and anti-Semitism will find no refuge in the people's House. We expect each other to speak fairly, truthfully, and respectfully of all our fellow Members of Congress and of the President--not because we agree with each other all the time, but because we have great respect for the Americans who elected us and to represent them from one end of Pennsylvania Avenue to the other. I come here today, Mr. Speaker, with much grief and many questions. The first may be procedural, but it is not trivial. The Democrats wrote a resolution last night. It is on the floor today. I just have a question: What happened to the 72-hour rule ensuring Members have an opportunity to review legislation and seek feedback from constituents before voting on it? What happened to regular order? This never came through committee. Why does the House have rules if the Democratic majority only follows them when politically convenient? And, also, as was brought up in the rules debate, there was even no consultation with others who would want to be a part of this. The President has every right to be frustrated with Congress for the work that we have failed to do on multiple fronts, including the border. I also understand that his recent tweets make it hard for us to move forward. Attacks are like quicksand: They trap and they defeat us before we know it. They are distracting us from legislating. That was true when a lawmaker implied last week that a Member of the House leadership was singling out ``newly elected women of color'' and when other Representatives were accused of enabling a racist system. It is true as we see little to no concern from my colleagues across the aisle when a foreign flag is raised over an American facility or a terrorist firebombed another facility. It is true when the President of the United States, out of frustration, tweeted this weekend, and it is true of many comments coming from lawmakers today. In fact, it is interesting for my chairman to say that they have called out the President every time but, also, many times--and this is just a small listing of every week that they have not called out their own Members for things that I cannot read on this floor. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, we are too quick this Congress to allow political ends to justify procedural means. But that is not democracy rooted in our unalienable rights, rights the second clause in this resolution affirms. The resolution is simply a lesson in political expediency. Integrity is a prerequisite to our covenant to govern by the consent of the people, which this resolution also affirms. We knew when we voted for the House rules this January that we could not, in this Chamber, use certain language about other democratically elected leaders. We agreed to let ideas compete for our votes and use rhetoric as a tool to build bridges instead of as kindling to burn those bridges down. Yet not a week goes by, as we have already pointed out, without Members of this body issuing statements or tweets that I could not and will not read from this floor without violating our rules. It is amazing, but not surprising, that some of my colleagues are using this platform to call for impeachment since many have been making that call since November of 2016--no justification then, and definitely not now. You see, Mr. Speaker, pleas for decorum are not merely a refuge for lawmakers who find themselves in the minority. Decorum is a symptom of a healthy and confident democracy. When we can debate ideas on this floor, decorum ensures democracy's every voice can be heard. I would like to lend my voice to the chorus of lawmakers supporting the first 15 clauses of this resolution, but for the misguided title and the fourth page of this resolution, we could have had a suspension vote. To its credit, the resolution states the House of Representatives ``is committed to keeping America open to those lawfully seeking refuge and asylum.'' I agree. Everyone who votes for this resolution will now be on record as opposing illegal immigration, and I hope we can all work together to address the border crisis based on that common foundation. Again, you don't need a vote on this resolution to do that. You simply have to look at the border and acknowledge the crisis. But we will still have a problem with this resolution. We cannot, by our own House rules, support a resolution that labels the President in this way, and I will not. The rules that have governed this body since the first United States Congress do not allow us to devolve in that way. However, it doesn't mean that we can't condemn racial or ethnic prejudice. It doesn't mean we can't decisively reject anti-Semitism, as we have on this floor. In my view, we have not done it so far in this Congress to that extent, but we have time for a clarion call on that front. I know some colleagues on both sides of the aisle who could join each other in that conviction. Our own standards of decorum, however, in fact, empower us to welcome to America every person who respects our laws and wants to help defend our freedoms. These standards also give us a platform to admit when we and those around us make mistakes. When we consider the power of this Chamber to legislate for the common good, I wonder why my colleagues have become so eager to attack the President that they are willing to sacrifice the rules, precedents, and the integrity of the people's House for an unprecedented vote that undercuts its very democratic processes. I wonder, if the comments in view today are what some of my colleagues say they are, why this resolution had to rephrase them to make its point. The resolution condemns comments in a way that exposes the breathtaking partisanship of today's exercise. The resolution quotes only three words from the comments it rejects-- the words ``go back'' and ``invaders.'' Beyond those three words, the resolution substitutes its own phrasing and editorializing for the words this resolution has in view. Again, a partisan show. That is a tell that today's resolution is more of a political jab than anything else. It is, therefore, a signal for us to take a moment to look inward. [[Page H5847]] I wonder if, when we are tempted to accuse our sister, our brother, our fellow American, political foe, or Madam Speaker of racism--by the way, I do not believe that the President is a racist. I do not believe the Speaker of this House is a racist. I do not believe the majority leader is a racist. I do not believe the minority leader is a racist. We can go down this line. I do not believe that. Then why do we insist on using this floor to litigate the propriety of statements made outside these walls? We assign a lot of wicked intent to a lot of tweets, even though 280 characters offers us the least context for making our points and endless potential for misunderstanding each other. To be fair, a lot of political speech today seems to be made to deepen our divide by highlighting our differences, and that is a cause for sadness. That is exactly what the rules of decorum in this body are designed to guard against. We have a choice this afternoon, Mr. Speaker. We can pursue escalation against our fellow Americans, or we can pursue reconciliation on their behalf. Only one of those options makes room for this body to do its job: the legislating of the solutions for the challenges of the American people. Many of the Members are my friends, and I am thankful for the chance to work alongside each of them every day. But, today, we renew our commitment to the democratic ideals of this Chamber by voting against a flawed resolution, against a political statement, against something that could not even be written in a proper way without adding editorial and paraphrased comments. I would ask each of my friends on both sides of the aisle to evaluate what is before them, evaluate what we have done, and evaluate what we don't take up for political convenience when it is our side saying it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader of the House. Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding. I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia, who is my friend; and I want to respectfully say to him: This resolution is not about partisanship. It is about prejudice and the necessity to confront it. Mr. Speaker, my father was from Denmark. He was born and raised in Copenhagen and came here as an adult in his twenties. I have a large extended family in Denmark. The President of the United States, Mr. Speaker, did not tell me to go back to Denmark. He did not tell the Speaker of this House, a woman proud of her Italian American heritage, to go back to Italy. He did not tell the Irish American Members of this body to go back to Ireland or tell those of German ancestry to go back to Germany. No. He told four women of color, three of whom are natural-born citizens, born and raised in their home country of America, to ``go back'' to their countries. This is their country, Mr. Speaker, I would tell the President. And it is the country of our colleague who came here as a refugee from Somalia. She endured hardships and arrived on our shores like so many others, seeking freedom, safety, and opportunity. She is an American citizen, one who chose to give back to her community and our country through public service. This is her country. I will not speculate on this floor about the motives or intentions of the President, but no one can dispute that the words he said and wrote were racist words--and have been called such by Republicans--with a long history of being used to demean, dismiss, and denigrate some American citizens as less than others, as not fully belonging in our country because of the color of their skin or the origin of their families. Mr. Speaker, to oppose this resolution is, in effect, saying the words were acceptable. {time} 1430 They were not acceptable. Such words should never be acceptable from the leader of this country, or frankly, anybody else. They demean our Declaration of Independence; they demean our Constitution; and they demean our Pledge of Allegiance: ``One Nation . . . indivisible.'' So I urge this House to come together and support this resolution. No matter whether one supports this President or not; whether one believes he is a racist or not; vote for this resolution that condemns the words he spoke. They hurt. They are not American. They are not us. The sentiment was not one we ought to espouse. Mr. Speaker, I say to the President, if I were speaking to him: The next time you wish to denigrate and demean those who came here, or the children and grandchildren of immigrants, say it to me. Say it to all of us in this House. Say it to every descendant of immigrants. Express the sentiment of the House of Representatives that this is not the conversation that we have in America. We lift our lamp beside the golden door. Let us keep that flame bright. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Before we go any further, let me just remind Members to refrain from engaging in personality-based remarks toward the President. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock). Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, we have, unfortunately, entered a period of our history when our political rhetoric has become hyperbolic, just as our political views are becoming increasingly irreconcilable. We would all be well-advised not to continue down this road. ``America, love it or leave it,'' is not a new sentiment nor a radical sentiment, and it certainly is not a racist sentiment. It should remind us of commonly-held and enduring founding principles that ought to be uniting us as a free people: Respect for the rule of law, and for the uniquely American principles of individual liberty, constitutionally-limited government, and personal responsibility that have produced the happiest, most productive and most powerful Nation in the history of the world. Every nation has a right to protect its culture, traditions, institutions, and principles. This fundamental consensus is what binds us together and unites us as a free people, and it is what makes possible all of the compromises and accommodations required by democratic self-government. We have entered an era when that consensus is breaking down. We have seen a growing hostility to our American Founders, our American founding principles, and our proud American heritage. Legal immigration, immigrants who come to our country by obeying our laws, respecting our Nation's sovereignty, and bringing with them a sincere desire to embrace our Constitution and the principles of liberty that animate and inform our form of government, is integral to this process. Some of the most patriotic Americans I know are legal immigrants who obeyed our laws, who waited patiently in line, who did everything our country asked of them. Some of the most unpatriotic Americans I know were born here and have enjoyed all of the blessings of liberty, without ever appreciating or even understanding the principles that produced our Nation's greatness and its goodness. Socialism and slavery spring from the same principle--in Lincoln's words: ``It is the same spirit that says, `you work and toil and earn bread, and I'll eat it.''' He reminded us that ``A house divided against itself cannot stand.'' He said: ``I do not expect the house to fall--but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.'' He understood that freedom and slavery were antithetical; and though they might be held together in a temporary accommodation, they could not coexist for long. Today, we face the same conflict between freedom and socialism, and it is time to choose. Now, I wish the President were more temperate in the words he sometimes uses, and I agree that the tone of his recent remarks was unnecessarily provocative. But his central point is irrefutable. There is no requirement for those who hate our country to remain here when there are so many other [[Page H5848]] countries with different principles and values to choose from and that have, in turn, produced very different results. This is as true of those born here as those who have come here from abroad. The President spoke not of race but of patriotism, American patriotism. And to call that racist fundamentally misunderstands and misrepresents the question before our country today. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski), the sponsor of the resolution. Mr. MALINOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, when I saw the President's comments over the weekend, my first thought was, my politics may not always be the same as the Congresswomen he was attacking; but all of us are Americans. And unlike most of them, I was actually born in a foreign country. I took the oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States when I was 10 years old, with my mom, when I was sworn in to be a citizen 5 years after we came here from Poland. Does the President think I should go back because I am an immigrant who disagrees with his policies? There are 44 million of us American citizens who were born somewhere else, and we new Americans know what it means to be American because we chose America. We know the alternative. Many of us do come from broken countries, a communist country, in my case, broken by communism and, in many cases, broken by leaders who did just what we are condemning today, using race and religion to divide people. The President may be doing it cynically. He wants the drama. He wants the reality show. In my district, we have to deal with the reality that these words are dangerous. Every synagogue in my district either has armed security or is struggling with the question of whether to have it. Every mosque has State Police coming to Friday prayers. We know that the words the President uses to drive up his ratings can be like sparks to the gasoline of disturbed minds in our country; that the man who massacred Jews in Pittsburgh was obsessed with migrant caravans and blamed Jews for helping refugees; that the man who murdered Muslims in Christchurch, New Zealand, believed immigrants are invaders who should go back to their country. These fringe haters have always been with us. Never before have their twisted thoughts been legitimized by the highest leaders in our land. Yesterday, after the President's tweets, the neo-Nazi Daily Stormer website gloated that this is the kind of white nationalism we voted for. Now, we have to decide, is this the kind of politics that we want in our country? Mr. Speaker, this resolution is not really about the President. We know who he is. My Republican colleagues know who he is. The question is--the only question left to us is, who are we? Because this is not about him. This is about us. Are we still the country of immigrants and of laws that every great American leader, from Ben Franklin, to FDR, to John F. Kennedy, to George Bush, believed in? Do we still believe what Ronald Reagan said that: ``Americans lead the world because, unique among nations, we draw our people, our strength, from every country and every corner of the world;'' that new Americans ``renew our pride and gratitude in the United States of America, the greatest, freest Nation in the world''? This is the choice that every Member of the House will have to make tonight. Do we agree with President Reagan's hopeful, confident, patriotic vision of America, or with President Trump's message of fear? Mr. Speaker, Republicans and Democrats can afford to disagree about many things in this House; but let us not be divided on decency to our fellow Americans. At this defining moment for our country and for this body, let us come together to support this resolution. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gonzalez). Mr. GONZALEZ of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I was one of the first Republicans, I believe, to speak out once the comments became public on Sunday. I did it Sunday afternoon, and then I did it again on Monday. But I cannot, in good faith, support this resolution because I can't possibly overlook the partisan nature in which it was brought forward, and the number of issues that we have control over in the House that we are choosing to ignore and have continued to ignore since we were sworn in in January. We have Members of this body who have called detention facilities concentration camps; have supported people who are labeling our Border Patrol agents and our ICE officers as Nazis. The gentleman just mentioned some folks outside of this body of Congress who may, he believes, have been inspired by certain comments. Well, where is the condemnation of these? When are we going to stand up and condemn those who call Americans, who are doing their jobs, by the way, enforcing laws that we enact, Nazis? When are we going to push back on that? When are we going to push back on comments, after one of our Members was criticized, they said, and I quote: After the comments, ``I got a text message from a friend who's like, hey, next time, you know, really clarify. Maybe talk like a fourth grader because maybe the racist idiots would understand you better''? Am I a racist idiot? Do I read at a fourth-grade level? Do the Members of this body? Have we gotten so broken as a Congress, where a simple disagreement results in us labeling one another racist idiots? Is that who we are? Where's the condemnation? When are we going to speak out about that? And I don't have to remind this body about the last time we were here for a similar process, when one of our Members said: ``It's all about the Benjamins,'' implying that Members of both sides of the aisle are being purchased and bought by our Jewish brothers and sisters. When are we going to stand up and speak out against that? Because I have been here for 7 months now, and it is the same thing over and over again. And the people who lose--and we all know this--are the constituents who are relying on us to actually work to solve problems. We have done nothing to support USMCA, to bring it up for a vote. We have done nothing to bring down the cost of prescription drugs. We haven't done anything since we have been here, and the reason is because we have been focused on fighting each other online; biting back and forth; rushing in front of the cameras; boosting our Twitter followers; and inciting the very division that prevents us from seeking common ground. I, like I know most of my colleagues, came here to find common ground. We came here to fight for the ideals that make our Nation great. I am the son of Cuban immigrants, proudly. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Tlaib). Ms. TLAIB. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution because I want every single person in my district to know that not only are they part of the squad, but they are--we are all here to stay. I want them to know that they belong; that we see and hear them loud and clear. Mr. Speaker, I am more proud today than ever to be the daughter of Palestinian immigrants; to be the first in my family to graduate high school and, later, college; to have grown up in the city that birthed movements that fought and won against racism and inequality in our country. It is a city that taught me to never back down; to speak up when I see injustice, and one that elected the first of two Muslim women serving in the United States Congress. This resolution chooses all of us. It chooses you. It chooses those who are marginalized and, more importantly, it chooses the values that we all must live up to. We cannot allow anyone, especially the President of the United States, to erode our core American values. I urge my colleagues to please choose our country, choose the American people, and to support this resolution. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Meuser). {time} 1445 Mr. MEUSER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H. Res. 489, the [[Page H5849]] latest legislative attack on the President. Much like most of the ideas and comments coming from the leading members of the socialist left, yesterday's press conference was, at best, political theater. In the last few days, Democratic Members of this House have attacked the President with claims of racism. Some have even said and then walked back similar comments referring to the Democratic House Speaker. None of those accusations are based in fact. As the representative of the people of the Ninth Congressional District of Pennsylvania, I feel it is most important to address this matter and then move on to engage in the work and the matters of real substance and importance to the people of our country, rather than baseless name-calling and offensive lectures. The ongoing policy debate across the country will continue to be socialism versus American exceptionalism. The people will decide our direction. What has really happened here is that the President and his supporters have been forced to endure months of allegations of racism and ``concentration camp'' accusations. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Mr. MEUSER. Mr. Speaker, this ridiculous slander does a disservice to our Nation and to the American people, and I, like many, am tired of it. I urge a ``no'' vote on the resolution aimed purely at harassing the President of the United States. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee). Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I said earlier today that I wish we were not here, but we are here. Now, I wish to indicate that I am appalled at any commentary that demeans or hurts a fellow human being or a fellow American or fellow world citizen. So the recounting of various statements, I realize and recognize that comments were made about statements to ease the pain of those who were receiving it. Right now, we are talking about comments that came from the highest office in the land, which really does reflect what this little book, the Constitution, says, that this Nation was organized to create a more perfect union. Yet, unfortunately, the officer in the White House, the President of the United States, took to tweeting and talked about the first African American woman from the Seventh District, the first Palestinian American woman, the youngest woman elected to Congress, and the first Somali American woman, women of color. It is imperative today that, along with H. Res. 494, my resolution, we condemn this action, and we do it together. I ask my Republican colleagues to vote for the underlying resolution. Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the Committees on the Judiciary and Homeland Security, I rise in support of H. Res. 489, a resolution condemning President Trump's racist comments directed at Members of Congress. Mr. Speaker, on November 6, 2018, in an election widely regarded as a referendum on the performance and disapproval of the Administration of President Donald J. Trump, the American people voted to vest control of the U.S. House of Representatives in the Democratic Party to restore the system of checks and balances designed by the Framers in 1787 in Philadelphia. The Representatives elected to the 116th Congress comprise the most diverse class in American history with respect to its racial, ethnic, and religious composition, and also includes the largest contingent of female Representatives and the most members ever of the LGBTQ community. Among the cohort of the 40 Representatives first elected to the Congress in the November 2018 election are several whose membership is historic, including the Representative for the Seventh District of Massachusetts, the first African American woman elected from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts; the Representative from the Thirteenth District of Michigan, the first Palestinian-American woman elected to Congress; the Representative from the Fourteenth District of New York, the youngest woman ever elected to Congress; and the Representative from the Fifth District of Minnesota, the first Somali-American elected to Congress. In the discharge of their official duties as Members of Congress, these talented and dedicated Members of Congress traveled to the southern border of the United States to observe the living conditions and treatment received by migrants and refugees seeking asylum in the United States who are currently being held in detention facilities operated under control or supervision of the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), some consisting of nothing more than tent villages cordoned off under highways. Upon their return to the Capitol, these Members of Congress reported their shock and horror regarding the appalling and inhumane conditions to which detainees were being subjected by CPB at a public hearing of a House Committee on Oversight and Reform. On July 14, 2019, the President of the United States reacted to the criticism of his Administration's treatment of detainees by these Members of Congress in a series of unhinged tweets that questioned their loyalty to the United States and implied that due to the circumstances of their birth they had no right to exercise the responsibilities and privileges of duly elected Members of Congress. Specifically, the President tweeted that it was: ``So interesting to see ``Progressive'' Democrat Congresswomen, who originally came from countries whose governments are a complete and total catastrophe, the worst, most corrupt and inept anywhere in the world (if they even have a functioning government at all), now loudly . . . and viciously telling the people of the United States, the greatest and most powerful Nation on earth, how our government is to be run. Why don't they go back and help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which they came.'' The President's statements are false in that three of Members of Congress he impugned are in fact natural born citizens and the fourth- is a naturalized citizen. Although the recent statements of the President are inaccurate and offensive, they are consistent with prior statements he has made to stoke to division, discord, and disharmony among the American people. Let us not forget that the current President of the United States burnished his political reputation by claiming falsely for more than 5 years that his predecessor was born in Kenya and not in the United States and thus was an illegitimate President. The current President of the United States launched his 2016 campaign for the Presidency by saying of persons from Mexico seeking to immigrate to the United States: ``They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists.'' The current President of the United States claimed that a Hispanic federal jurist could not preside over a court proceeding to which then presidential candidate Donald J. Trump and the Trump Organization were defendants accused of civil fraud because ``He's a Mexican!'' In January 2018 the current President of the United States is reported to have inquired of his advisors: ``Why are we having all these people from (expletive deleted) countries come here?'', referring to persons from countries in Africa, the Caribbean, and Central and South America. And most contemptible of all, on August 15, 2017 the current President of the United States said he regarded as some ``very fine people,'' the neo-Nazis, white supremacists, and Ku Klux Klansmen who descended on the peaceful community of Charlottesville, Virginia to advocate racism and who were met by peaceful counterprotestors in a clash that the white supremacists turned violent and resulted in the death of Heather Heyer and left injured many other innocent persons who were gathered to affirm the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution, and to honor the sacrifice of unsung American heroes who devoted their lives to the ongoing quest to continue perfecting our union. Mr. Speaker, the recent and past statements and actions of the current President of the United States demean the office he holds and falls short of the standard set by the 16th President, whose administration was devoted to unity, healing, and ending racial division. In his famous March 4, 1861, Inaugural Address, President Abraham Lincoln foretold the reasons why the efforts of the current President of the United States to rend our union are destined to fail: ``We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory will swell when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.'' Before closing, Mr. Speaker, I think it appropriate to share my perspective on immigration and significant and positive impact it has in the development of this, the greatest nation in human history. Like the Framers did in the summer of 1776, it is fitting that we gather in the nation's capital on a sweltering July day to reflect upon America's long and continuing struggle for justice, equality, and opportunity. After all, all that any of us wants is an honored place in the American family. I am often reminded that as I speak there is a family somewhere about to begin a dangerous but hopeful quest. [[Page H5850]] Somewhere south of the border, maybe across the Rio Grande from El Paso, Laredo, Corpus Christi, or Brownsville or maybe just south of Tucson or San Diego or Douglass, Arizona. Somewhere there is a family in the Old Country anxiously about to embark on their own journey to the New World of America. They come for the same reason so many millions came before them, in this century and last, from this continent and from every other. They come for the same reason families have always come to America: to be free of fear and hunger, to better their condition, to begin their world anew, to give their children a chance for a better life. Like previous waves of immigrants, they too will wage all and risk all to reach the sidewalks of Houston or Los Angeles or Phoenix or Chicago or Atlanta or Denver or Detroit. They will risk death in the desert; they will brave the elements, they will risk capture and crime, they will endure separation from loved ones. And if they make it to the Promised Land of America, no job will be beneath them. They will cook our food, clean our houses, cut our grass, and care for our kids. They will be cheated by some and exploited by others. They work in sunlight but live in twilight, between the shadows; not fully welcome as new Americans but wanted as low-wage workers. Somewhere near the borders tonight, a family will cross over into the New World, willed by the enduring power of the American Dream. I urge all Members to join me in supporting H. Res. 489. All American should take pride in and celebrate the ethnic, racial, and religious diversity that has made the United States the leader of the community of nations and the beacon of hope and inspiration to oppressed persons everywhere. And in addition to the love and pride Americans justifiably have for their country, all persons in the United States should cherish and exercise the rights, privileges, and responsibilities guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Miller). Mrs. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak in opposition to the resolution on the floor. For the past 7 months, the President has stated that there is a crisis on our border. Republican House leadership has said there is a crisis on the border. My colleagues have said there is a crisis on the border. And I have said there is a crisis on the border. Throughout this, the Washington Democrats have denied it again and again. From the party leadership and the committee chairs in hearings and even on the House floor, many have said that the crisis is fake, phony, nonexistent, manufactured, imaginary, and false. They turned a blind eye to a crisis because of political opposition, and the media followed suit. A few weeks ago, several of my colleagues across the aisle took a trip to our southern border, bringing cameras and journalists along with them. They finally came to terms with what the Republicans have been saying for months. However, instead of focusing on the root of the problem, underfunding, overcrowding, backlogged cases, and unprecedented surges, they opposed funding and passed a bill to ban construction on the southern border. For 7 months, my colleagues across the aisle have denied a crisis and failed to act. They still haven't acted. I want to work together to solve this crisis. Instead, we are here debating political nonsense. I have had enough talk about tweets, squads, infighting, labels, and petty disagreements. When we look at the content of the legislation brought up for discussion today, it is no surprise that the American people have such a low approval of Congress. If it is not a messaging bill to placate the activists, it is an advancement of the socialist agenda, a bill to handcuff our President, or a denouncement of American values. I came to Congress to create jobs, grow the economy, innovate our energy industry, and fix West Virginia's infrastructure. I was sent here to move our country forward and to solve the problems that actually affect the lives of those we represent. To improve our communities, our country, that is why we are all here. This resolution is a waste of time. I urge my colleagues to oppose this legislation and any legislation that doesn't deliver the results for our country that our citizens deserve. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen). Mr. COHEN. Mr. Speaker, I join in supporting this resolution. I felt that we should have had a stronger resolution that censured the President, H. Res. 490, because the conduct that has been charged is beneath the Office of the President. He should not disparage people and suggest they go back to where they were born. Ms. Ocasio-Cortez was born in the Bronx, and her parents were born in Puerto Rico. Mr. Trump should know that Puerto Rico is the United States of America. From references to Haiti and African countries as ``-hole'' countries to the ``fine people on both sides'' in Charlottesville with neo-Nazis and Klansmen there, he has gone out of his way to find opportunities to besmirch Hispanic Americans, people of Mexican descent, African Americans, and African countries. This is wrong and beneath the Office of the President. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Let me remind Members, again, to refrain from engaging in personality-based remarks toward the President or any other Member. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask for a time check on both sides, please. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia has 12\1/4\ minutes remaining, and the gentleman from New York has 20 minutes remaining. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, at this time I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Duffy). Mr. DUFFY. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman for yielding. I just want to note at the start of this resolution for the first three pages I agree with everything. We have great quotes in here of our Founders and American Presidents who talk about the strength of this country that has come from immigrants and immigration, and I wholeheartedly concur. As we get to page 4, though, I have significant disagreement. I would note that on page 4 on the whereas, it is noted that ``Trump's racist comments have legitimized fear and hatred of new Americans,'' and I just want to make a point to my friends across the aisl because in paragraph 2 you note that it is committed to keeping America open to those who lawfully seek refuge and asylum from violence and oppression. Lawfully seek refuge and asylum. But I would note that, just recently, President Trump has said those who have sought asylum, had a hearing, and have a deportation order, you all are offended by that. You didn't include in your resolution those who had deportation orders issued, your opposition to them being removed. So you actually agree with us and President Trump that those who have lawful orders of deportation should be sent out of the country, just to cite your resolution. But I want to note, Mr. Speaker, that I have looked closely at the chain of three tweets sent out by President Trump, and in those tweets I see nothing that references anybody's race, not a thing. I don't see anyone's name being referenced in the tweets. But the President is referring to people--Congresswomen--who are anti-American. And lo and behold, everybody in this Chamber knows who he is talking about. Who are the anti-American Members of Congress? He didn't say their names. He did not say their race, but he commented on how they view America. And we all know who he was talking about. I want immigrants to come to this country, but if you come to this country, shouldn't you love this country? We all come here and see imperfection, and we work every week trying to make our country better, but to say I wholeheartedly dislike the country, the fact that I am going to call the President an mf'er, good Lord, what has the institution become? And then to come to this floor and chastise the President for a couple of tweets, when that is the language we use against him? That is rich, Mr. Speaker, that that is the language that the left would use and then try to call out the President who didn't cite a race or he didn't cite a name. I look at this, and I think we are all called to do better and be better. We [[Page H5851]] should make this country better. But when I look at some who say I believe that socialism is a purer form of government and a better economic economy over capitalism that has given us the freest, most generous, most prosperous country that has ever existed on the face of the Earth, and we want to trade this in for a system that has always failed? I think you are going to see Republicans push back against that, and I think many Democrats will push back against that, and I think that is what this argument really comes down to. And one other note, I look at some of my conservatives like Candace Owens, Diamond and Silk, Justice Thomas-- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) is recognized. Let me again say, please direct your comments to the Chair. Parliamentary Inquiry Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman will state her parliamentary inquiry. Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, my inquiry is this. My colleague across the aisle just referred to Members of Congress as ``anti-American.'' I believe that those words are defamatory, and I would like to ask whether that is appropriate for a request for the gentleman to take down his words. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will not issue an advisory opinion. I have directed both sides to please address the Chair, number one; and number two, I ask that Members refrain from engaging in any personality-based remarks. So the Chair is not going to issue an advisory opinion at this point. Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, so a Member can say that other Members of Congress are anti-American and no resolution for that? We would like to ask the gentleman to take down his words. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentlewoman making a demand that the words be taken down? Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, yes, I am asking that the gentleman's words be taken down. The SPEAKER pro tempore. In order for the words to be taken down, the objection has to be contemporaneous to the remarks. Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I was trying to get the attention. Mr. Speaker, I will relinquish the point, but I just want to remind my colleagues that that is completely inappropriate to tell any of us that we are anti-American. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Let me just say, if the violation occurs again, I will interrupt mid-sentence. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the distinguished Speaker of the House. Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him for his leadership in so many ways in this Congress. Mr. Speaker, I commend Mr. Malinowski and Mr. Raskin for bringing this important resolution to the floor. Mr. Speaker, I come to this floor prayerfully. It is really very sad. It was interesting to me--and I spoke out about this--that on Sunday in Catholic Masses, and I don't know beyond that, that the gospel of the day was the gospel of the Good Samaritan. A person asked Jesus, ``What do I have to do to enter the kingdom of Heaven?'' And Christ replied, ``Love thy neighbor as thyself. Show mercy.'' That very same day he went on to talk and then he said, ``Well, how do I do this?'' And Jesus gave him the example of the Good Samaritan. Everyone is familiar with how a stranger helped another stranger, a foreigner helped another foreigner, the Good Samaritan. Love thy neighbor as thyself, show mercy. {time} 1500 On that very same day, coincidentally, ironically, sadly, whatever adverb you want to use, the President was instituting raids into the homes of families. I went to Spanish mass this weekend and saw the dignity of those families, the beauty of the children, and the fear that the President had struck in their hearts, as we were listening to the Gospel of the Good Samaritan to show mercy and love thy neighbor as thyself. That very same day, unfortunately, there were those who were not informed by that Gospel. So here we are later in that day, it was stunning to hear the words that were used, go home, to some of our colleagues, the same words that were used to so many people in our country whether because they weren't born here or because they didn't look like some others here: Go home. As annoyed and as insulted as we all should be about the President saying that about our colleagues, it is also not showing mercy for him to say that about so many people in our country, as he wants to split up families. So, Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Malinowski and Mr. Raskin for the opportunity to speak to the statements that the President made later in the day of the Gospel of the Good Samaritan: Mr. Malinowski, who was born abroad; Mr. Raskin for his firm leadership in advancing this important resolution. The House hopefully has come together standing as one to denounce the White House's xenophobic attacks on our Members, on our people, and to defend the values of America. And what is America? America is many things: the land of a great Constitution, which is under threat; a beautiful land that God has given us, which is being degraded; values that we share that are being undermined. But America is also a Nation largely, but not totally, largely of immigrants. As this resolution so beautifully states, `` . . . the Founders conceived America as a haven for refuge for people fleeing from religious and political persecution, and Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison all emphasized that the Nation gained as it attracted new people in search of freedom and livelihood for their families.'' The resolution quotes our most iconic Presidents, who all recognized that immigrants are the constant reinvigoration of America, of hope, determination, optimism, and courage to make the future better. Those are American values. Those are American traits: hope, optimism, courage. Many of these immigrants, when they come here with those values and those traits, make America more American. Franklin Roosevelt said: ``Remember always that all of us, and you and I especially, are descended from immigrants.'' President John F. Kennedy wrote that: ``The contribution of immigrants can be seen in every aspect of our national life.'' President Ronald Reagan so beautifully in his last speech as President of the United States, which is quoted in this resolution, said: ``If we ever closed the door to new Americans, our leadership in the world would soon be lost.'' Yet, the President's comments about our colleagues this weekend showed that he does not share those American values. These comments from the White House are disgraceful and disgusting, and the comments are racist. How shameful to hear him continue to defend those offensive words, words that we have all heard him repeat not only about our Members, but about countless others. Our caucus will continue to forcefully respond to those attacks on our Members, which reflect a fundamental disrespect for the beautiful diversity of America. There is no place anywhere for the President's words, which are not only divisive, but dangerous, and have legitimized and increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color. It is so sad, because you would think that there would be a given that we would universally in this body just say, of course. And there is no excuse for any response to those words but a swift and strong, unified condemnation. Every single Member of this institution, Democratic and Republican, should join us in condemning the President's racist tweets. To do anything less would be a shocking rejection of our values and a shameful abdication of our oath of office. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, point of order. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman will suspend. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Point of order. Ms. PELOSI. To protect the American people, I urge a unanimous vote. [[Page H5852]] Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I was just going to ask the gentle Speaker of the House if she would like to rephrase that comment. Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I cleared my remarks with the Parliamentarian before I read them. Point of Order Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I make a point of order the gentlewoman's words are unparliamentary and request that the words be taken down. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will remind all Members please do not make personality-based comments. The gentleman from Georgia is recognized. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I made a point of order that the gentlewoman's words were unparliamentary and request they be taken down. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman making a demand that the words be taken down? Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I request that the gentlewoman's words are unparliamentary and request that they be taken down. Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker. The SPEAKER pro tempore. All Members will suspend. The Clerk will report the words. {time} 1625 The Clerk read as follows: Every single Member of this institution, Democratic and Republican, should join us in condemning the President's racist tweets. To do anything less would be a shocking rejection of our values and a shameful abdication of our oath of office. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair is ready to make a statement. I came in here to try to do this in a fair way. I kept warning both sides--``let's not do this''--hoping we could get through. Ms. Jayapal had a situation where we could be in here on another motion to take down words of a friend of mine. But we don't ever, ever want to pass up, it seems, an opportunity to escalate, and that is what this is. I dare anybody to look at any of the footage and see if there was any unfairness. But unfairness is not enough, because we want to just fight. I abandon the Chair. {time} 1645 The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hoyer). The Chair is prepared to rule. The words of the gentlewoman from California contain an accusation of racist behavior on the part of the President. As memorialized in Deschler-Brown Precedents, chapter 29, section 65.6, characterizing an action as racist is not in order. The Chair relies on the precedent of May 15, 1984, and finds that the words should not be used in debate. Motion Offered by Mr. Collins of Georgia Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion at the desk. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion. The Clerk read as follows: Mr. COLLINS of Georgia moves that the words of the gentlewoman from California be stricken from the Record. =========================== NOTE =========================== July 16, 2019, on page H5852, the following appeared: Mr. COLLINS of Georgia moves that the words of the gentlewoman from California be stricken from the Record. The online version has been corrected to show the text set at 7 pt. ========================= END NOTE ========================= The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins). The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the noes appeared to have it. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 190, nays 232, not voting 10, as follows: [Roll No. 480] YEAS--190 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amodei Armstrong Arrington Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Bergman Bilirakis Bishop (UT) Bost Brady Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Cheney Cline Cloud Cole Collins (GA) Comer Conaway Cook Crawford Crenshaw Curtis Davidson (OH) Davis, Rodney DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Duffy Duncan Dunn Emmer Estes Ferguson Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Flores Fortenberry Foxx (NC) Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Gianforte Gibbs Gonzalez (OH) Gooden Gosar Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Griffith Grothman Guest Guthrie Hagedorn Harris Hartzler Hern, Kevin Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Higgins (LA) Hill (AR) Holding Hollingsworth Hudson Huizenga Hunter Hurd (TX) Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Katko Keller Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger Kustoff (TN) LaHood LaMalfa Lamborn Latta Lesko Long Loudermilk Lucas Luetkemeyer Marshall Massie Mast McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley Meadows Meuser Miller Mitchell Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Newhouse Norman Nunes Olson Palazzo Palmer Pence Perry Posey Ratcliffe Reed Reschenthaler Rice (SC) Riggleman Roby Rodgers (WA) Roe, David P. Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rooney (FL) Rose, John W. Rouzer Roy Rutherford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Shimkus Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smucker Spano Stauber Stefanik Steil Steube Stewart Stivers Taylor Thompson (PA) Thornberry Timmons Tipton Turner Upton Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Waltz Watkins Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Wright Yoho Young Zeldin NAYS--232 Adams Aguilar Allred Amash Axne Barragan Bass Beatty Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brindisi Brown (MD) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Carbajal Cardenas Carson (IN) Cartwright Case Casten (IL) Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Cisneros Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Cox (CA) Craig Crist Crow Cuellar Cummings Cunningham Davids (KS) Davis (CA) Davis, Danny K. Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Engel Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Evans Finkenauer Fletcher Foster Frankel Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Golden Gomez Gonzalez (TX) Gottheimer Green, Al (TX) Grijalva Haaland Harder (CA) Hastings Hayes Heck Higgins (NY) Hill (CA) Himes Horn, Kendra S. Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Huffman Jackson Lee Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (TX) Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim Kind Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster (NH) Lamb Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Luria Malinowski Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Matsui McAdams McBath McCollum McEachin McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Morelle Moulton Mucarsel-Powell Murphy Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Norcross O'Halleran Ocasio-Cortez Omar Pallone Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Perlmutter Peters Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Pressley Price (NC) Quigley Raskin Rice (NY) Richmond Rose (NY) Rouda Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan Sanchez Sarbanes Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Shalala Sherman Sherrill Sires Slotkin Smith (WA) Spanberger Speier Stanton Stevens Suozzi Swalwell (CA) Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres Small (NM) Trahan Trone Underwood Van Drew Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Visclosky Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Welch Wexton Wild Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOT VOTING--10 Biggs Burgess Collins (NY) Gohmert Granger Lynch Marchant Peterson Soto Williams {time} 1727 Ms. HAALAND and Mr. GOTTHEIMER changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.'' Mr. CRAWFORD changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.'' So the motion was rejected. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. Motion Offered by Mr. Nadler Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I move that the gentlewoman from California [[Page H5853]] (Ms. Pelosi) be permitted to proceed in order. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Kildee). The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler). The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. Recorded Vote Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote. A recorded vote was ordered. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this will be a 5-minute vote. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 231, noes 190, not voting 11, as follows: [Roll No. 481] AYES--231 Adams Aguilar Allred Axne Barragan Bass Beatty Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brindisi Brown (MD) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Carbajal Cardenas Carson (IN) Cartwright Case Casten (IL) Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Cisneros Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Cox (CA) Craig Crist Crow Cuellar Cummings Cunningham Davids (KS) Davis (CA) Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Engel Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Evans Finkenauer Fletcher Foster Frankel Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Golden Gomez Gonzalez (TX) Gottheimer Green, Al (TX) Grijalva Haaland Harder (CA) Hastings Hayes Heck Higgins (NY) Hill (CA) Himes Horn, Kendra S. Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Huffman Jackson Lee Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (TX) Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim Kind Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster (NH) Lamb Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Luria Lynch Malinowski Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Matsui McAdams McBath McCollum McEachin McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Morelle Moulton Mucarsel-Powell Murphy Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Norcross O'Halleran Ocasio-Cortez Omar Pallone Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Perlmutter Peters Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Pressley Price (NC) Quigley Raskin Rice (NY) Richmond Rose (NY) Rouda Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan Sanchez Sarbanes Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Shalala Sherman Sherrill Sires Slotkin Smith (WA) Spanberger Speier Stanton Stevens Suozzi Swalwell (CA) Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres Small (NM) Trahan Trone Underwood Van Drew Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Visclosky Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Welch Wexton Wild Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOES--190 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amash Amodei Armstrong Arrington Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Bergman Bilirakis Bishop (UT) Bost Brady Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Cheney Cline Cloud Cole Collins (GA) Comer Conaway Cook Crawford Crenshaw Curtis Davidson (OH) Davis, Rodney DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Duffy Duncan Dunn Emmer Estes Ferguson Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Flores Fortenberry Foxx (NC) Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Gianforte Gibbs Gonzalez (OH) Gooden Gosar Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Griffith Grothman Guest Guthrie Hagedorn Harris Hartzler Hern, Kevin Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Higgins (LA) Hill (AR) Holding Hollingsworth Huizenga Hunter Hurd (TX) Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Katko Keller Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger Kustoff (TN) LaHood LaMalfa Lamborn Latta Lesko Long Loudermilk Lucas Luetkemeyer Marshall Massie Mast McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley Meadows Meuser Miller Mitchell Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Newhouse Norman Nunes Olson Palazzo Palmer Pence Perry Posey Ratcliffe Reed Reschenthaler Rice (SC) Riggleman Roby Rodgers (WA) Roe, David P. Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rooney (FL) Rose, John W. Rouzer Roy Rutherford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Shimkus Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smucker Spano Stauber Stefanik Steil Steube Stewart Stivers Taylor Thompson (PA) Thornberry Timmons Tipton Turner Upton Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Waltz Watkins Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Wright Yoho Young Zeldin NOT VOTING--11 Biggs Burgess Collins (NY) Davis, Danny K. Gohmert Granger Hudson Marchant Peterson Soto Williams {time} 1748 So the motion was agreed to. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman will be allowed to proceed in order. The Chair announces the remaining time in debate. The gentleman from Georgia has 9\1/4\ minutes remaining. Without objection, the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) controls the time and has 19 minutes remaining. There was no objection The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia is recognized. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. McCarthy), the minority leader. Mr. McCARTHY. Madam Speaker, on page 1 of the original Thomas Jefferson Manual of Parliamentary Practice he writes that: ``It is very material that order, decency, and regularity be preserved in a dignified public body.'' Now, we all have the awesome privilege of serving in that dignified public body: this, the people's House. Our American democracy and its institutions are looked up to as an example for the entire world. Jefferson's emphasis on order and decency is just as important today is it was more than 200 years ago. Unfortunately, that was not the case today. Madam Speaker, today is a day that historians will write about. It is a sad day for this House, the people's House. Our rules of order and decency were broken today, and worse, the House just voted to condone this violation of decorum. Madam Speaker, I know there is frustration in this body. But it is our duty to focus not on retribution but on building a more perfect union. We can be doing so much more, and we should be doing so much better. Madam Speaker, I would ask that all Members take it upon themselves to uphold the dignity of this institution. Let us preserve and promote those ideals of order and decency that this body was founded upon and that this body will need if we are to address the many challenges facing our Nation. Madam Speaker, it is not just our Nation that is watching; the world is watching us. I hope we can rise to the occasion. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Bass), who is a distinguished member of the Judiciary Committee. Ms. BASS. Madam Speaker, the world is watching, and the world is in shock. Today I rise to speak in support of this resolution condemning the hateful rhetoric of Donald Trump. His comments were beneath the dignity of the Office of President of the United States, and they have no place in our country. My four colleagues he attacked have every right to be in the United States. They are just as American as any one of us, and it is shameful that the leader of our country would seek to disparage them for political gain. But the sad truth is that if we were to pass a resolution every time Donald Trump were to say something offensive, little else would happen in Congress. For that reason this moment has to be about much more than condemning [[Page H5854]] Donald Trump. This moment has to be about moving our country back toward its best values and ensuring that every American, regardless of origin, race, or sex, has an opportunity to succeed. The American people want to see us fighting for jobs, healthcare, free elections, and policies that recognize the humanity of all who seek refuge in our Nation. As chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, I remember when the President said to Black America: What do you have to lose? When the leader of this Nation attacks two of our Members--two of the four women are members of the Congressional Black Caucus--what we have lost is a President who has dignity. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). The time of the gentlewoman has expired. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from California an additional 15 seconds. Ms. BASS. Someone who has the capacity to bring our country together is what we have lost. But even for this President, this is a new low: using rhetoric against someone of a different race based on the belief that one's race is superior. Since the President will not lead, we must. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will--in case anybody forgot-- remind everyone in this House on both sides of the aisle that the rules will be strictly enforced for the remainder of this debate. Members are advised to think closely about their words particularly when referring to personalities. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), who is the distinguished Democratic chair of the Democratic Caucus of the House. Mr. JEFFRIES. Madam Speaker, our diversity is a strength; it is not a weakness. We are a nation of immigrants, some voluntary, others involuntary, but as Dr. King once observed, ``We may have all come on different ships, but we're in the same boat now.'' We are a gorgeous mosaic of people from throughout the world. We are White, we are Black, we are Latino, we are Asian, and we are Native American. We are Christian, we are Jewish, we are Muslim, we are Hindu, we are believers, and we are nonbelievers. We are gay, we are straight, we are young, we are older, we are women, and we are men. We are citizens, and we are Dreamers. Out of many we are one. That is what makes America a great country. No matter what xenophobic behavior is coming out of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, we will never let anyone take that away from us--not now, not ever. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell). Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Speaker, we have an opportunity today to condemn or condone. Birtherism is racist. Saying a Mexican judge can't be fair because of his heritage is racist. Saying immigrants from Mexico are rapists is racist. Saying there were good people on both sides in Charlottesville is racist. Calling African countries * * * countries is racist, and telling four Members of this body to go home is racist. point of order Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, point of order. =========================== NOTE =========================== July 16, 2019, on page H5854, the following appeared: Calling African countries * * * countries is racist, and telling four Members of this body to go home is racist. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, point of order. The online version has been corrected to read as follows with a small cap title inserted in the proper position in debate: Calling African countries * * * countries is racist, and telling four Members of this body to go home is racist. POINT OF ORDER Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, point of order. ========================= END NOTE ========================= Madam Speaker, I move to take down words. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will suspend. Mr. SWALWELL of California. Do you think it is not racist? The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his point of order. Mr. SWALWELL of California. Do you think it is not racist, Mr. Collins? The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will suspend. Mr. SWALWELL of California. Is that what you are saying right now, Mr. Collins? Mr. Collins, is it not racist to say these things? Because you can say that right now. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is out of order. The gentleman from California shall suspend. For what purpose does the gentleman from Georgia rise? Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I make a point of order that the gentleman's words are unparliamentary, and I insist they be taken down. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the words. {time} 1800 Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Speaker, I will withdraw an offensive word. Madam Speaker, may I have an additional 30 seconds? Ms. JACKSON LEE. The gentleman from California has 30 seconds. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Texas controls the time. The gentleman has 30 seconds remaining. Does the gentlewoman wish to grant him an additional 30 seconds? Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell). Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I now withdraw my point of order. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia withdraws his point of order. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California. Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Speaker, we have an opportunity today to condemn or condone. Birtherism is racist. Saying a Mexican judge cannot be fair because of his heritage is racist. Saying immigrants from Mexico are rapists is racist. Telling four Members of this body to go home because of where you believe they are from is racist. There is racism coming out of the White House. There is racism coming out of the White House. So where will you stand today? That is the question we face: Where will we stand? Will we stop and extinguish the flames of racism from the White House or will we continue to fan them? History and our children are watching. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Scalise). Mr. SCALISE. Madam Speaker, the last vote that we just saw on the House floor is beneath the dignity of the House. We have rules for a reason. Just because one party is in the majority, Madam Speaker, doesn't mean that the rules don't apply to them. The rules apply to all of us. Just as we are passing laws here, that ought to apply to all people fairly across this country. The reason we have these rules is so that we can rise above the fray. We have disagreements on this floor. What is great about this country is we have the ability to come and battle over the disagreements, but we shouldn't get into personality conflicts on this floor. We shouldn't be trying to accuse people of one thing or another, disparagingly, on this floor. That is why we have these rules, so that we can actually debate the issues that people care about rather than engaging in this constant barrage of personality attacks that we have seen week after week after week. The American people expect us to be spending our time up here fighting for the issues they care about. They want us to be spending time focusing on lowering their prescription drug prices, lowering healthcare prices, rather than this foolishness. They want us to be solving the crisis at the border, not ignoring it, not disparaging it, but actually focusing on solving it. These are easy issues for us to solve if we come together and spend real time in good faith working on them, rather than this foolishness. Look at all of the other problems that our country faces, that people call on us to address. They expect that we are spending our time up here focusing on those problems, getting our economy back on track like it is now. It took people working together, and it is working. We can do more. Fighting the evils across this world, when you look at what Russia is doing, when you look at what Iran is doing, when you look at what China is doing, us to be coming together, standing up and working on those problems for the people who sent us here, not worried about ourselves, not fighting amongst [[Page H5855]] ourselves, but actually focusing on their problems, that is why we are supposed to be up here. That is why the rules of the House should apply to all people, not just selectively to some. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Ted Lieu). Mr. TED LIEU of California. Madam Speaker, I am an immigrant; I am a person of faith; and I served on Active Duty in the United States military because I love America. Yet, throughout my life, I have had people tell me to go back to China or Japan or North Korea. And like many immigrants, when I get that ``go back'' insult, it is hateful. It makes me feel like I don't belong here in this country. And make no mistake, when people tell me to go back where I came from, that is a racist insult that is based on race. If I were White, they would not tell me to go back to China. I experience that insult because my race happens to be Asian. But the good news is that Americans, at record high levels, support immigrants. We are not going anywhere. America is our home. And I will still be standing here long after the occupant of the White House leaves. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will remind all persons in the gallery that they are here as guests of the House and that any manifestation of approval or disapproval of proceedings is in violation of the rules of the House. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Washington State (Ms. Jayapal). Ms. JAYAPAL. Madam Speaker, I am appalled at the statements coming from the White House telling people who dissent that somehow you should go back to your country if you criticize the United States. Well, let me remind you that dissent is patriotic and, in fact, a core value to our democracy, enshrined in our Constitution. And, yes, I am a proud naturalized citizen born in India, a proud patriot, a proud person who belongs in this country. And it is not the first time I have heard, ``go back to your own country,'' but it is the first time I have heard it coming from the White House. And, frankly, Madam Speaker, I am appalled that, on this floor, my Republican colleagues would call any of us anti-American. That is why this vote is so important, because we have to let the rest of the country know that the House of Representatives will stand up for the Constitution, represent and defend every single person in the country, regardless of the color of their skin or the country of their birth. Madam Speaker, my Republican colleagues have been talking about patriotism, about love of country. One of them said ``love it or leave it.'' But what is love if not to make what we love better through our critique, our work, and our service. That is what real Americans do. We do not stifle dissent. We do not otherize or sow hatred, and we certainly never say ``go back to your country'' to a brown or a Black person, because that is a racist trope. I hope that every single Member of this Chamber, Republican and Democrat, will join me in rejecting the President's message and vote in support of this resolution. Madam Speaker, that is the American thing to do. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Dean). Ms. DEAN. Madam Speaker, words matter. Decency matters. Recently, President Trump told four Congresswomen of color to ``go back'' to their home countries. Mr. President, they are home. Three of these Congresswomen, my colleagues, were born in the United States. The fourth, also my colleague, is a naturalized U.S. citizen. They are as American as I am, as the President is, as the First Lady is or anyone else, period. Telling people who look different to go back to where they came from is a refrain laced with hate. This rhetoric is neither new nor a surprise, but that doesn't mean we can allow it to stand. And it belies a fundamental misunderstanding of our Nation's promise, that we are all created equal and that everyone has a role to play in building a more perfect Union--not just White Americans, every American. We hereby recognize these words for what they are: offensive, hateful. And the people we represent deserve better. As a cosponsor, I believe we must call out hate wherever we see it, whether in our own houses or in the White House. Madam Speaker, I urge all Members to support the resolution. Words matter. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis). Mr. LEWIS. Madam Speaker, I rise with a sense of righteous indignation to support this resolution. I know racism when I see it. I know racism when I feel it. And at the highest level of government, there is no room for racism. It sows the seeds of violence and destroys the hopes and dreams of people. The world is watching. They are shocked and dismayed because it seems we have lost our way as a nation, as a proud and great people. We are one Congress, and we are here to serve one House: the American House, the American people. Some of us have been victims of the stain, the pain, and the hurt of racism. In the 1950s and during the 1960s, segregationists told us to go back when we protested for our rights. They told ministers, priests, rabbis, and nuns to go back. They told the innocent little children seeking just an equal education to go back. As a nation and as a people, we need to go forward and not backwards. With this vote, we stand with our sisters. Three were born in America, and one came here looking for a better life. With this vote, we meet our moral obligations to condemn hate, racism, and bigotry in every form. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the time. Let's do what is right, what is fair, and what is just. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan). Mr. RYAN. Madam Speaker, ``we the people,'' ``a more perfect Union,'' ``the common defense,'' ``general welfare,'' ``common good,'' ``these United States''--the words and phrases of our founding documents were about unity, were about us coming together against the political and economic concentration of power. Division is the enemy in the United States today. We are unraveling before the very eyes of the American people. And I believe that this President, that the White House does not want to talk about the issues facing the American people today. Madam Speaker, 75 percent of the American people are living paycheck to paycheck; seniors are paying $1,000 a month for prescription drugs; students are drowning in student loans. {time} 1815 Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, I will not belabor this. I have made many of the points that I have said before. I think this was rushed to the floor. I think this is what happens, unfortunately, when things are rushed. There are things that need to be done, and the decorum of this House is important. We have had a long lesson of that today. The very essence of the resolution, which has issues beyond, needs to be considered. When we do this, then I think, as I said in my opening-- and I will stick by what I said then--this needs to be voted down. This does not need to go forward. We need to get to a certain time when we are back to, literally, doing the people's business. This is the third time, Madam Speaker, that I have been on the floor doing this--third time--more time than I have done on immigration, more time than I have done on any other bills, bills that could actually get signed into law. [[Page H5856]] As my whip said a few moments ago, there are things we could sit down and find common ground on, but it seems like common ground is gone. There are some of us willing to reach our hands across the aisle and say, ``Let's find common ground because people are hurting. Why don't we solve those?'' Instead, we continue, seemingly, to want to continue to go to the press release or to the political statement, which is frustrating. I understand, but we have to get better. We have to look at this and ask: What happens to the American people? What happens to the people who sent us here, who are looking at this and asking what they need to do to make their lives better, not the lives in this body? When we understand that, that is when we come together. That is when we take the decorum of this House. That is when we find ways to speak to each other as friends who have been elected to serve a common purpose. That is our higher aim. When we denigrate that, we are not being honest with ourselves. Let's get to the people's business. There are budget issues looming. There are caps looming. There is a debt ceiling looming. There are still problems at our border, which is a crisis. These need to be fixed. Let's take up those bills. Let's have honest debate. I will put a bill up; you put a bill up. Let's do what we are supposed to do here, have markups, run things through committee. Let's take seriously what we said to do. We both, at times, as parties, have been guilty of not doing that. Let's focus now--at least where we are now--and say this is not the way forward and this is not where we need to be because of the many problems inherent in the resolution itself but, also, the way it was brought to us. We have seen that play out on the floor today. Is that really how we are going to leave it with the American people, that rules can be broken and then nothing is done about it? Is that really where we are going to be, that we are not going to bring issues to the floor that can be discussed, that have been brought through committee, that actually affect people's lives? That is the frustration I have, Madam Speaker. Time for debate on this needs to be done. We need to vote ``no.'' We need to move forward. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, the way to move forward is by voting ``yes'' on the underlying resolution. To paraphrase the Declaration of Independence, it is indicated that we all are created equal, with certain unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That is immigrant and nonimmigrant. That is an individual whose religion you believe in and one you do not. That is a lifestyle that you may not know and understand. It may be a race or ethnicity that you have never come to be able to accept. In this Nation, the founding Thirteen Colonies fleeing persecution were described as creating an experiment. It was not a perfect experiment. There were some of us who came to this Nation in the bottom of the belly of a slave boat. There were some who were indentured servants. Many came by boat. Some walked across a border that has created havoc. But they were people desperate for freedom and the right to make their lives better. We can account for those people by the history books and the decades of heroes and sheroes who have come in a different skin, a different religion, a different basis. They have even put on the uniform of this Nation because they love this country. I am reminded of the era of Dr. Martin Luther King, the many miles he walked with the soldiers, the Civil Rights soldiers, and his early book titled ``Why We Can't Wait.'' I join with the idea that we must work for the American people. We must provide for the increase in the minimum wage, good healthcare, and education. At the same time, there is something in this Nation that our children demand that we do. What are the values of the red, white, and blue? What are the values of those stars that represent the many States of this Nation? The values are that we are a Nation based upon laws, morality, values, a love of country, due process, equality, and justice. It means that every single person must have the fundamental right of respect. This resolution is simply that. It is a fundamental right to respect and dignity--in this instance, for four Members of the United States Congress from Boston, from New York, from Minnesota, and from Michigan. As they go on to their places, it is very clear that they must have the respect that is deserving of this particular Congress. These four women are no less deserving of dignity than anyone else. This resolution is simply one that is to seek--not condoning, as was said--a condemnation of attitudes that may parlay racist beliefs. No one stands for that. We cannot go on to all that is good without saying to the Nation and the world that this is not good; it is not America; and we will not accept that as our definition because we do believe in the creation of a more perfect Union. I conclude by saying that we condemn the hurtful and offensive comments that demean immigrants and people of color, especially if those comments originate from the White House. What we will do today is accept the challenge of Dr. Martin Luther King, a peacemaker, a man of hope, and we will say why we can't wait because the Nation calls upon our higher angels. That is what we will do when we affirm this resolution on behalf of the people of the United States of America. Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to vote for this very important resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time. Ms. GARCIA of Texas. Madam Speaker, today, with this resolution, the House continues the fight for equality and dignity for every person. It's not important to us where you came from. It only matters that you're here now. Sin embargo vamos a luchar por la igualidad y la dignidad de cada persona. No es importante para nosotros de donde vienes. Solo nos importa que estes aqui ahora. When I was Harris County Commissioner, I was told, ``Go back to Mexico and crawl back under the rock you came from.'' When we were debating the anti-immigrant racial profiling bill SB 4 in the Texas Senate, I received a call. ``I've got guns. Lots of guns,'' the man said. But this credible death threat didn't stop us. An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us as Americans. Un ataque contra uno es un ataque contra todos como Americanos. Mr. CUMMINGS. Madam Speaker, I rise to condemn the racist statements made by the president of the United States against my colleagues here in Congress. Our nation is a beacon of hope to the world, a nation where people arrive with the goal of embracing the American dream. They and their children make vital economic, educational, civic, and social contributions to the American fabric--they become business owners, doctors, and even members of Congress. It is clear that the diversity that this country provides is not our problem, it is our promise. Although the president has indicated that there are ``many people [who] agree with'' his comments, I, and many Americans, were disappointed that the individual who acts as our representative on the world stage would share these racist sentiments. I have confidence that the beliefs reflected in the president's statements are not held by the American people as a whole and do not reflect who we are as a nation. This country has endured too many obstacles and undergone too many lessons learned to accept these offensive statements. We have endured slavery, forced displacement, Jim Crow laws, and internment camps. We are still working to fight against redlining, voter intimidation, hate crimes, and mass incarceration. Our country deserves better than this. The world deserves better than this. Americans yearn for a day when we are not fighting each other but are fighting towards a common mission to continually improve our great nation as the United States of America. This is why my colleagues and I are committed to fulfilling this agenda. We are working to lower drug prices, we are working to restore voting rights for every American, we are working to eliminate the opioid epidemic, and we are committed to ensuring that we find solutions to the problems in our criminal justice system. Let me be clear, these words should have no place in the dialogue of our United States of America. That is why I am a proud cosponsor of H. Res. 489, a resolution condemning President [[Page H5857]] Trump's racist remarks against my colleagues who have dedicated their lives to public service and representing the constituents of their home districts. I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution and condemning the president for these incendiary comments. The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired. Pursuant to House Resolution 491, the previous question is ordered on the resolution and the preamble. The question is on the resolution. The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. Recorded Vote Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I demand a recorded vote. A recorded vote was ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 240, noes 187, not voting 6, as follows: [Roll No. 482] AYES--240 Adams Aguilar Allred Amash Axne Barragan Bass Beatty Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brindisi Brooks (IN) Brown (MD) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Carbajal Cardenas Carson (IN) Cartwright Case Casten (IL) Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Cisneros Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Cox (CA) Craig Crist Crow Cuellar Cummings Cunningham Davids (KS) Davis (CA) Davis, Danny K. Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Engel Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Evans Finkenauer Fitzpatrick Fletcher Foster Frankel Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Golden Gomez Gonzalez (TX) Gottheimer Green, Al (TX) Grijalva Haaland Harder (CA) Hastings Hayes Heck Higgins (NY) Hill (CA) Himes Horn, Kendra S. Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Huffman Hurd (TX) Jackson Lee Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (TX) Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim Kind Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster (NH) Lamb Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Luria Lynch Malinowski Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Matsui McAdams McBath McCollum McEachin McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Morelle Moulton Mucarsel-Powell Murphy Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Norcross O'Halleran Ocasio-Cortez Omar Pallone Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Pelosi Perlmutter Peters Peterson Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Pressley Price (NC) Quigley Raskin Rice (NY) Richmond Rose (NY) Rouda Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan Sanchez Sarbanes Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Shalala Sherman Sherrill Sires Slotkin Smith (WA) Soto Spanberger Speier Stanton Stevens Suozzi Swalwell (CA) Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres Small (NM) Trahan Trone Underwood Upton Van Drew Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Visclosky Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Welch Wexton Wild Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOES--187 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amodei Armstrong Arrington Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Bergman Bilirakis Bishop (UT) Bost Brady Brooks (AL) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Cheney Cline Cloud Cole Collins (GA) Collins (NY) Comer Conaway Cook Crawford Crenshaw Curtis Davidson (OH) Davis, Rodney DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Duffy Duncan Dunn Emmer Estes Ferguson Fleischmann Flores Fortenberry Foxx (NC) Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Gianforte Gibbs Gonzalez (OH) Gooden Gosar Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Griffith Grothman Guest Guthrie Hagedorn Harris Hartzler Hern, Kevin Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Higgins (LA) Hill (AR) Holding Hollingsworth Hudson Huizenga Hunter Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Katko Keller Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger Kustoff (TN) LaHood LaMalfa Lamborn Latta Lesko Long Loudermilk Lucas Luetkemeyer Marshall Massie Mast McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley Meadows Meuser Miller Mitchell Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Newhouse Norman Nunes Olson Palazzo Palmer Pence Perry Posey Ratcliffe Reed Reschenthaler Rice (SC) Riggleman Roby Rodgers (WA) Roe, David P. Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rooney (FL) Rose, John W. Rouzer Roy Rutherford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Shimkus Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smucker Spano Stauber Stefanik Steil Steube Stewart Stivers Taylor Thompson (PA) Thornberry Timmons Tipton Turner Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Waltz Watkins Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Wright Yoho Young Zeldin NOT VOTING--6 Biggs Burgess Gohmert Granger Marchant Williams {time} 1849 Mr. KING of New York changed his from ``aye'' to ``no.'' So the resolution was agreed to. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. ____________________
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