October 21, 2019 - Issue: Vol. 165, No. 166 — Daily Edition116th Congress (2019 - 2020) - 1st Session

[Pages S5914-S5916]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




PROTOCOL TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY OF 1949 ON THE ACCESSION OF NORTH 
                               MACEDONIA

  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor to express my 
support for ratifying the Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 
on the Accession of North Macedonia. In light of the Kremlin's ongoing 
aggression against the United States, against Ukraine, and against many 
of our democratic allies, today's vote sends an important signal that 
we are serious about standing up to Moscow. A strong NATO is critical 
to the security of the United States, and supporting NATO's expansion 
is one of the most important things this body can do to protect our 
Nation.
  This historic vote would not be happening without the Prespa 
Agreement between Greece and North Macedonia, which resolved the two 
countries' name dispute and came into force in February. I want to 
acknowledge the hard work of these countries, as well as the tireless 
efforts of American diplomats, to make Prespa a reality.
  North Macedonia has already made notable contributions to the 
security of the U.S. and of NATO. North Macedonia has deployed more 
than 4,000 troops to Iraq in support of U.S. efforts there, and in 
2018, North Macedonia boosted its contribution to Afghanistan by 20 
percent.
  It actively supports the international counter-ISIS coalition and has 
also supported missions in Kosovo. This history of partnership with the 
U.S. on important security issues speaks strongly in favor of North 
Macedonia's inclusion in the Alliance.
  NATO is strongest when all of its members contribute, and I am glad 
that North Macedonia is committed to hitting the target of spending 2 
percent of its GDP on defense by 2024. The government has already made 
great progress towards that target, and we must hold them to that 
promise.
  I also want to stress the importance of all NATO members spending 2 
percent of GDP on defense. Our allies have increased their defense 
spending since 2014 in response to a clear and growing threat from the 
Kremlin. We must work to make sure that trend continues, and we must do 
it as partners, not as bullies.
  We must also remember that belonging to NATO is about more than 
military capabilities. NATO was established as a club of democracies 
that abide by a certain set of principles. When the Clinton 
administration was considering new members, former Secretary of Defense 
William Perry laid out some criteria for inclusion in this group: 
individual liberty for citizens, democratic elections, the rule of law, 
economic and market-based reforms, resolution of territorial disputes 
with neighbors, and civilian control of the military.

[[Page S5915]]

  North Macedonia has made progress on rule of law and democracy, but 
more work remains to perfect the system. NATO member states should not 
consider this process complete and must continue supporting North 
Macedonia's work to fully implement its reform commitments.
  Finally, admitting North Macedonia into NATO is an important step 
towards fully integrating the Balkans into the international 
institutions that contribute to peace and stability in Europe. I hope 
that today's vote will provide momentum for North Macedonia to open EU 
accession talks as well. There is unfinished work for peace in the 
Balkans, and the United States must remain committed to the region to 
resolve these long-running challenges.
  The Kremlin, of course, does not want to see stability in the 
Balkans. It does not want to see the spread of democracy and rule of 
law. It does not want countries like North Macedonia to experience the 
peace and prosperity that integration with the West brings. That is why 
Russia tried to stop the Prespa Agreement with disinformation and 
political manipulation, and why it has vocally opposed North 
Macedonia's NATO accession.
  With today's vote, we can make clear that no country outside the 
Alliance gets a veto over who gets to join NATO, especially not Russia. 
We can show our support for a country that has partnered with us on 
important security missions and is making tough but necessary reforms. 
We can promote stability in a critical region of the world and reduce 
Kremlin influence there. Most importantly, we can protect our homeland 
by expanding an alliance that has proven invaluable to national 
security.
  While it is a positive step that we are voting to ratify North 
Macedonia's NATO accession protocol, it is also an opportune moment to 
take a step back and consider the Senate's treaty power more broadly.
  Article 2 of the Constitution endows the President and the Senate 
with shared power over treaties. The President, it states, ``shall have 
power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make 
treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur.'' While 
the Constitution does not expressly dictate a procedure for terminating 
treaty relationships, Senators have long asserted that the shared 
treaty power extends to withdrawal and therefore also requires Senate 
approval.
  Regardless of whether the executive branch agrees with this position, 
what is completely unacceptable is that Senators are first learning 
about treaty withdrawals and threats to withdraw online or in the 
newspaper instead of through proactive outreach by and meaningful 
dialogue with the executive branch.
  The stakes could not be higher. Among the three treaties President 
Trump has pulled out of just this year is the Intermediate-Range 
Nuclear Forces Treaty--INF Treaty--a cornerstone of the nuclear 
nonproliferation regime with Russia. The Senate approved this; treaty 
in 1988 by a vote of 93-5.
  Now, there are rumors swirling that the President will imminently 
pull out of the Open Skies Treaty, a multilateral arms control 
agreement that has been a critical element of U.S. and European 
security. The Senate approved that treaty in 1993 without any recorded 
opposition.
  As with so many aspects of President Trump's foreign policy, 
withdrawal from Open Skies would be another gift to Vladimir Putin. 
Just last year, the United States conducted an extraordinary flight 
authorized under Open Skies and intended to reaffirm U.S. commitment to 
Ukraine and other partner nations. Further, when the Ukraine crisis 
first emerged, the United States used images collected by U.S. 
surveillance missions under the Open Skies Treaty to publically 
demonstrate that Russian forces had invaded Ukrainian territory. 
Withdrawing from the Open Skies Treaty would be perceived as casting us 
further doubt on the status of the U.S. commitment to Ukraine's 
security and would advance the Russian narrative that the United States 
is an unreliable partner in the region.
  These withdrawals not only demonstrate a reckless approach to foreign 
policy--an approach that gratifies the Trump administration's short-
term goals at the expense of our country's long-term interests--they 
also erode the Senate's prerogative on treaties. Given the 
constitutional mandate of shared responsibility for treaties between 
the Senate and President, along with a heightened standard for Senate 
advice and consent, it is inconceivable to think that unilateral treaty 
termination, absent any engagement whatsoever with the Senate, could be 
constitutionally sound, yet that is what this President is doing and 
what this Senate must reject.
  It is in this context that we must face an unfortunate truth relevant 
to the continuing health of the NATO alliance, which is the constant 
threat that President Trump may suddenly pull the United States out of 
NATO altogether. It is a dangerous option the President has apparently 
raised with subordinates. If recent history is any guide, the fact that 
a U.S. withdrawal would be reckless, dangerous, and, as the former 
Supreme Allied Commander of NATO has said, ``a geopolitical mistake of 
epic proportion,'' does not mean that the President will not pursue it.
  With that in mind, it is unfortunate that Senator McConnell refused 
to allow amendments to the North Macedonia Protocol. Had he allowed a 
more open process, I would have offered an amendment that would have 
conditioned Senate advice and consent on the protocol to a requirement 
that the President not withdraw from NATO without Senate approval. 
While this step may not have been necessary previously, we must 
regretfully move in that direction to respond to President Trump and to 
protect against his ability and willingness to jeopardize U.S. national 
security through hasty and unilateral treaty withdrawals.
  So, while I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in voting to 
ratify North Macedonia's NATO accession protocol, I must express my 
concern that the Senate has not yet taken any steps to prevent 
President Trump from pulling the United States out of NATO or other 
treaties absent any Senate input or approval.
  Mr. CASEY. I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the previously 
scheduled vote commence now.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                             Cloture Motion

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Pursuant to rule XXII, the Chair lays before 
the Senate the pending cloture motion, which the clerk will state.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

                             Cloture Motion

       We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the 
     provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate, 
     do hereby move to bring to a close debate on treaties 
     Calendar No. 5, Treaty Document No. 116-1, Protocol to the 
     North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession of the 
     Republic of North Macedonia.
         Mitch McConnell, David Perdue, John Cornyn, John Thune, 
           John Hoeven, John Boozman, Thom Tillis, Steve Daines, 
           Roger F. Wicker, Pat Roberts, John Barrasso, Richard 
           Burr, Shelley Moore Capito, Roy Blunt, Mike Rounds, 
           Mike Crapo, James E. Risch.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The mandatory quorum call has been waived.
  The question is, Is it the sense of the Senate that debate on the 
Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession of the 
Republic of North Macedonia shall be brought to a close?
  The yeas and nays are mandatory under the rule.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Georgia (Mr. Isakson), the Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Kennedy), 
the Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski), and the Senator from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey).
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet), 
the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from California 
(Ms. Harris), the Senator from New Hampshire (Ms. Hassan), the Senator 
from Minnesota (Ms. Klobuchar), the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Sanders), 
the Senator from Hawaii (Mr. Schatz), the Senator from Michigan (Ms. 
Stabenow), the Senator from Massachusetts

[[Page S5916]]

(Ms. Warren), and the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Whitehouse) are 
necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote?
  The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 84, nays 2, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 326 Ex.]

                                YEAS--84

     Alexander
     Baldwin
     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Blumenthal
     Blunt
     Boozman
     Braun
     Brown
     Burr
     Cantwell
     Capito
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Coons
     Cornyn
     Cortez Masto
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Daines
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Enzi
     Ernst
     Feinstein
     Fischer
     Gardner
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hawley
     Heinrich
     Hirono
     Hoeven
     Hyde-Smith
     Inhofe
     Johnson
     Jones
     Kaine
     King
     Lankford
     Leahy
     Manchin
     Markey
     McConnell
     McSally
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Moran
     Murphy
     Murray
     Perdue
     Peters
     Portman
     Reed
     Risch
     Roberts
     Romney
     Rosen
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sasse
     Schumer
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shaheen
     Shelby
     Sinema
     Smith
     Sullivan
     Tester
     Thune
     Tillis
     Udall
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Wicker
     Wyden
     Young

                                NAYS--2

     Lee
     Paul
       

                             NOT VOTING--14

     Bennet
     Booker
     Harris
     Hassan
     Isakson
     Kennedy
     Klobuchar
     Murkowski
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Stabenow
     Toomey
     Warren
     Whitehouse
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. On this vote, the yeas are 84, the nays are 2.
  Three-fifths of the Senators duly chosen and sworn having voted in 
the affirmative, the motion is agreed to.
  The Senator from North Dakota.


                           Order of Business

  Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that following 
leader remarks, on Tuesday, October 22, the time until 12 noon be 
equally divided between the two leaders or their designees. I further 
ask that all postcloture time on Treaties Calendar No. 5, Treaty 
Document No. 116-1, expire at 12 noon tomorrow and that the Senate vote 
on the ratification of the treaty.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________