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[Pages H1528-H1529]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONFLICT IN YEMEN
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Brown) for 5 minutes.
Mr. BROWN of Maryland. Mr. Speaker, today the House is asserting its
constitutional responsibility by cutting off U.S. involvement with the
Saudi-led coalition in the devastating conflict in Yemen. I thank
Representative Khanna for leading on this issue.
This brutal war has caused mass starvation and cut off humanitarian
aid from reaching those most in need. The number of casualties has
exceeded half a million men, women, and children. We don't know if this
legislation will reach the President's desk or whether he will sign it,
but with reporting that Saudi coalition members have transferred U.S.
weapons to terrorist groups in Yemen, and the Trump administration
choosing to ignore a deadline last week to report on whether Saudi
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is responsible for the death of
journalist Khashoggi, we must keep up the pressure to end U.S.
involvement in hostilities in Yemen.
At the end of the day, U.S. participation in this war is illegal,
having never been authorized by Congress.
{time} 1015
When the United States became involved with the Saudi-led war, this
action was not covered by the Authorization for Use of Military Force
issued by Congress in the wake of 9/11. The Houthis, against whom the
Saudi coalition is engaged, are not affiliated with al-Qaida. But
because of the 60-word 2001 AUMF, three Presidents have warped that
limited authorization into enabling a global-spanning war, broad enough
to cover airstrikes in the Khyber Pass and to boots on the ground in
Niger. This AUMF contains no time limits, no geographic constraints,
and no need for congressional consent or oversight.
In the last 17 years, the 2001 AUMF has been cited as statutory
authority for unclassified military actions in more than 18 countries,
and Congress has been left in the dark about many of these operations.
Our men and women in uniform have deployed time and again, shouldering
a heavy burden while at the same time the public is becoming more
removed from the conflicts in which we are engaged.
Today, less than 20 percent of the Members of the 116th Congress were
present when this vote was taken in 2001. But after more than a decade
of putting more and more war-making power in the hands of the President
and greater burden on the shoulders of our troops, Congress must take a
[[Page H1529]]
stand. We cannot continue to be sidelined from the decisions critical
to our national security.
The Constitution is clear. Congress, not the President, has the power
to declare war. The President can respond to an imminent threat to the
homeland or to U.S. personnel abroad, or if we are attacked, but this
is the only situation in which he may dispense with congressional
approval, because as current law dictates, once the President initiates
hostilities against a new enemy, Congress, not the President, dictates
whether hostilities can continue.
It would be wrong for Congress to allow any President solely on his
or her own authority and aside from an imminent, clear threat to
sustain our involvement in any conflict, especially one so fraught as
the conflict in Yemen. The United States cannot enter any conflict in
the Middle East, East Asia, or Africa with no clear strategy, no clear
objectives, and no authorization from Congress.
The American people need answers, and our troops and their families
deserve a public debate over the sacrifices we ask them to make. I
understand that for many Members, after close to two decades of war in
Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of debating, let alone authorizing, new
military action is not going to be popular, even if warranted. But we
were not elected to pass the buck or abdicate our constitutional
responsibility. We must debate these issues.
Mr. Speaker, as a combat veteran and a Member of Congress, I know it
is one of our most important and solemn responsibilities to decide when
and how we send Americans into harm's way. We cannot shirk that
responsibility because of its gravity. We must embrace the tough
decisions our role requires us to carry out.
I hope today is the beginning of our long-overdue debate over the
AUMF and the true costs of war on our country and the men and women who
fight and die serving it.
____________________