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[Page S1585]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EGYPT
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to briefly discuss the situation in
Egypt, a country where unchecked repression has come to define the
government of President el-Sisi.
The 2011 Egyptian revolution brought hope of a democratic future for
the country, but it has failed to materialize, subverted by aspiring
autocrats. After winning historic democratic elections in 2012, the
Morsi government sought to consolidate its control, issuing a
declaration to provide the President with sweeping authorities and
eliminating checks on Executive power. The response was another popular
uprising and a military coup led by then-Defense Minister Abdel Fattah
el-Sisi.
Although cheered by some who favor President el-Sisi's crackdown on
the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood and anyone suspected of being
affiliated with it, his Presidency has become a model for autocratic
rule. His police have arrested human rights lawyers, journalists, civil
society activists, and opposition politicians. Anyone who criticizes
the regime or calls for a more democratic system is threatened,
arrested, and accused of ``terrorism'' or some other vague crime
against the state. Once detained, they have been subjected to physical
and psychological abuse while they wait for months or more often years
before being subjected to sham trials that make a mockery of due
process.
Earlier this month, President el-Sisi's government took another step
to consolidate his rule. Egypt's rubberstamp Parliament approved
constitutional amendments that would enable el-Sisi to remain in power
until 2034, 12 years beyond the end of his second and final term. Other
amendments would enable el-Sisi to tighten his control of the
judiciary, create a second Parliamentary chamber dominated by
Presidential appointees, and expand the authority of the military to
codify its role in civilian political life. Egypt today is a civilian
government in name only. The military, led by el-Sisi, effectively
wields total control.
In 2011, we all hoped the Egyptian people had a brighter, albeit
challenging, political future ahead of them, but 7 years after the
overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, the el-Sisi government is erasing any
remaining hope for democracy in the country. The calls of those who
flooded the streets under Mubarak and Morsi for greater political
freedom and civil liberties, less corruption, and more accountability
are treated not as visions for Egypt's future, but as threats to el-
Sisi himself.
Regrettably, it seems that the only constant in U.S.-Egyptian
relations over the last several decades, besides Egyptian Government
repression and billions of dollars in U.S. military aid, is the
reticence with which successive U.S. administrations have confronted
this issue. There always seems to be an excuse for why now is not the
time to insist on meaningful progress to advance democracy and human
rights by our ally Egypt. If not now, when? What line would the
Egyptian government have to cross for the Congress and the
administration to recognize the threat that a brutal military
dictatorship poses to stability in Egypt, and to our long-term
interests in the region?
Every U.S. administration has engaged, in varying degrees, in quiet
diplomacy to address human rights abuses and corruption overseas and
issued public statements or withheld foreign aid to encourage progress.
Diplomacy, if backed up with consequences, can achieve results, but
successive Egyptian Governments have gambled that, at the end of the
day, we will look the other way in the mistaken belief that doing so
serves U.S. security interests, and by and large, that has been the
case.
It is interesting to compare the Trump administration's selective
condemnation of government repression in other countries, where the
number of political prisoners is a fraction of those in Egypt, to
President Trump's pronouncement that President el-Sisi as a ``great
guy.'' What a sad commentary on what this country purports to stand
for.
We must acknowledge what history has repeatedly shown, that upholding
our values is the best way to protect our interests. That does not mean
cutting off all aid and walking away from Egypt. That kind of
reactionary approach is equally short-sighted. What it does mean is
that we need a more principled, measured, and consistent policy and
make clear that our aid is not a blank check--that Egypt's leaders are
not above the law; that freedom of expression is universal; that due
process is a right; that torture, cruel and inhuman treatment are
forbidden under international law; and that governments should be
accountable to their people.
At a time when President el-Sisi is seeking to manipulate the
legislative process to cement his hold on power for life, senior
officials at the White House, the State Department, and the Pentagon
need to stand up for what is first and foremost in our national
interest: the principles that define us as Americans.
I hope all Senators will join me in encouraging the Trump
administration to learn from the mistakes of its predecessors and
realign our policy toward Egypt with our values.
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