July 1, 2020 - Issue: Vol. 166, No. 121 — Daily Edition116th Congress (2019 - 2020) - 2nd Session

[Pages S4103-S4129]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR FISCAL YEAR 2021--Continued

  Mr. SCOTT of Florida. I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded and to speak as in morning business.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cotton). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.


                        Justice In Policing Act

  Mr. HEINRICH. Mr. President, Americans are demanding an end to the 
persistent racial injustice and violence that inflicts our country.
  Protestors have gathered outside of the White House and the Capitol. 
New Mexicans from our biggest city to our smallest communities are 
marching for meaningful change.
  I have joined these protests in Emancipation Hall, in the streets of 
Washington, DC, and now I am joining them from the U.S. Senate floor.
  The systemic racism being called out is real, and it is all around us 
all of the time. Within law enforcement, we have seen it in the 
horrific videos documenting the racist violence that took the lives of 
Black men and women at the hands of police officers and extrajudicial 
killers.
  As a father raising two sons, my heart aches for the parents whose 
sons' and daughters' names we now chant loudly in the streets.
  It is unacceptable for any American to live in fear of violent 
encounters when they enter public spaces or retail stores or just go 
out for a walk. The very fact that painful experiences with law 
enforcement are ubiquitous among so many in our Nation should be 
evidence enough that our current model of policing is not working. That 
is why I am proud to support my colleagues Senator Booker and Senator 
Harris to cosponsor the Justice in Policing Act.
  This sweeping legislation reforms the police system as Americans 
across the country demand an end to police violence that is 
disproportionately targeting communities of color. It would address 
qualified immunity standards in Federal law which currently stand in 
the way of police officers being held accountable in court when they 
violate constitutional rights.
  It would improve transparency in police departments by creating a 
national police misconduct registry, requiring accurate data reporting 
on misconduct and use-of-force incidents and ensuring problematic 
officers cannot avoid accountability by simply changing departments.
  It would also institute a real national ban on choke holds and other 
deadly, restrictive airway holds. We have seen this use of lethal force 
kill George Floyd and Eric Garner before him and earlier this year, in 
Las Cruces, NM, when a police officer killed Antonio Valenzuela with a 
vascular neck restraint. While I hope that justice will be served for 
Mr. Floyd's and Mr. Valenzuela's families, I know that these men should 
never have died in the first place. This lethal and unnecessary type of 
force should not be allowed anywhere in America.
  The Justice in Policing Act would put an end to the injudicious use 
of no-knock warrants that led to the murder of Breonna Taylor in 
Louisville, KY.
  In order to prevent future extrajudicial killings like the murder of 
Ahmaud Arbery earlier this year by vigilantes in Georgia, the Justice 
in Policing Act would also finally designate lynching as a Federal 
crime.
  The legislation would also make broad improvements in training for 
police officers. That includes implicit bias training to confront the 
prejudice that contributes to racial profiling and confrontational 
treatment of people of color.
  We must also make deescalation and crisis intervention techniques 
standard operating procedures in encounters and make the use of lethal 
force the absolute last resort.
  In my State, we have seen far too many incidents in which police have 
killed people of color with lethal tactics or responded to New Mexicans 
experiencing mental illness or addiction with unnecessary force that 
resulted in death. Nearly a decade ago, the Department of Justice began 
an investigation into the Albuquerque Police Department after numerous 
such fatal police encounters
  In 2014, the Department of Justice released its report that cited 
chronic abuses of civil rights, widespread community distrust, and a 
pattern of excessive force across the department. For these past 6 
years, the Albuquerque Police Department has been under a federally 
enforced consent decree that has brought much needed changes in hiring, 
training, and use-of-force policies.
  This ongoing process of changing just this one police department's 
culture is far from complete. Court hearings continue, and a federally 
appointed monitor continues to oversee the yearslong process of 
completing all of the reforms in the federally mandated, court-approved 
settlement agreement.
  We have still seen multiple fatal police shootings each year since 
reforms began. That includes one case from just this March in which the 
response to a welfare check on Valente Acosta-Bustillos, a man with 
documented behavioral health challenges, ended with officers fatally 
shooting him after he wielded a shovel that he had been using to do 
yard work.
  This is not an isolated incident. The evidence is everywhere that 
systemic reform is needed for law enforcement, not just in Albuquerque 
but all across my State and all across this country.
  Since the beginning of 2015, since the Nation reeled over the death 
of Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO, there have been more than 5,000--
5,000--fatal police shootings. It pains me to say that in that time 
period, New Mexico has had the highest rate of these shootings in the 
entire country on a per capita basis.
  While our overall nationwide statistics on deaths in police custody 
are incomplete--which is a problem in and of itself--the data we do 
have makes it clear that police in the United States are killing people 
at a rate much higher than our peer nations.
  A review of media-reported, arrest-related deaths in the Bureau of 
Justice Statistics found that more than 1,300 people died in police 
custody in the 10 months from June 2015 to March 2016. During that same 
period, only 13 people in the United Kingdom died in or after being in 
police custody.
  While we are a much larger country, even on a per capita basis, that 
means that Americans are being killed at a rate of approximately six 
times higher than in the UK. Many, if not most, of these deaths fall or 
are deemed ``justified'' by law enforcement, but I want to say in the 
strongest possible terms: We can't keep accepting a system that 
justifies this level of deadly violence.
  The House of Representatives demonstrated last week that we can take 
action to address this system. Answering the calls of Americans all 
across our country, the House voted to pass the Justice in Policing 
Act. The Senate needs to do the same because no one should be above the 
law--no one, including those in law enforcement.
  While I believe these last weeks and months of Americans calling for 
justice have changed many hearts and minds, I am not naive enough to 
believe the current administration is either willing or capable of 
bringing the level of change that Americans are demanding.
  Unfortunately, in the last 3\1/2\ years, President Trump and his 
Justice Department have either turned a blind eye, excused, or even 
openly encouraged a more violent police culture.
  Starting under Attorney General Jeff Sessions and certainly 
continuing under Attorney General Bill Barr today, this administration 
has spent much more time and Department of Justice resources aiding the 
President's own political battles and implementing even harsher 
penalties on Americans than on holding police departments accountable 
for guaranteeing equal justice under the law.

[[Page S4104]]

  None of this excuses us in the U.S. Senate from our own 
responsibility to lead. We have a moral obligation, as Senators, to 
grapple with how we can bring about necessary Federal changes with 
better Federal policies. That should start with passing the 
accountability measures, the meaningful improvements to police 
training, and the bans on excessive lethal force tactics that are in 
the Justice in Policing Act.
  We also need to encourage the changes that will necessarily need to 
come at the local government level. Advocates are calling on local 
governments to reassess their budgets and how much they have 
prioritized policing and prisons over education and housing. They are 
also calling on their local leaders to reimagine a world where armed 
police officers are not the responders dispatched to all crisis 
situations.
  Last week, the mayor of Albuquerque, Tim Keller, announced a proposal 
to create an entirely new public safety department that would dispatch 
social workers, housing and homelessness specialists, and violence 
prevention and diversion program experts instead of police officers to 
homelessness, so-called down-and-out calls, and behavioral health 
crises.
  This is the scale of systemic change that we need to be thinking 
about and devoting real resources toward implementing in all of our 
communities. We all need to carefully assess the effectiveness of 
continuing a status quo in law enforcement that is clearly not keeping 
all of us safe.
  It will not be easy to dismantle the ``us versus them'' warrior 
mentality that is so pervasive in far too many of our law enforcement 
agencies. If you treat the communities that you police like they are 
war zones, you create a relationship that dehumanizes the very people 
you are charged to protect, and you fuel more of the very violence and 
crime that you are supposed to prevent.
  Our streets in American communities should never be treated like 
battlefields. Our local law enforcement officers should not be armed 
with military-grade equipment or AR-15s or MRAP armored vehicles. They 
should not be meeting peaceful protesters or demonstrators with 
teargas, flash grenades, or rubber bullets. Police officers should not 
be treating any of us--whatever our race and regardless of the reason 
we are encountering them--as if we are enemy combatants.
  This militarized version of policing is simply not the way to keep 
the peace or create a sense of public safety in our communities. It has 
created a distrust in police and perpetuated trauma and inequities in 
communities across our country.
  I believe that we must transform this dangerous warrior mentality 
into a guardian and neighborhood support mentality that looks to serve 
all members of our communities. We should remember that police officers 
are supposed to be officers of the peace.
  Now, I want to be careful to emphasize that the responsibility for 
changing this mentality must not fall entirely on the shoulders of our 
law enforcement officers because we also recognize that our law 
enforcement officers, too, are being impacted and harmed by this broken 
system. We, as a society, have asked them to treat the symptoms and 
respond to the deficiencies that all of us have allowed to persist in 
education, in healthcare, in addiction treatment, and in housing.
  On a daily basis, police officers address the most acute impacts of 
our not solving those other issues. I would argue that this is because 
the same wrongheaded ``us versus them'' warrior mentality that I have 
been describing has long resided within this very institution and has 
been baked into our country as a whole.
  It is the same warrior mentality that has fueled the Federal 
Government's ineffective and racist War on Drugs and War on Crime over 
the course of the last 50 years. Intentionally or not, these policies 
helped build what advocates label the ``school-to-prison pipeline'' and 
the ``New Jim Crow.'' ``New Jim Crow'' may sound harsh, but in my 
estimation, it is an astonishingly accurate way to describe the unequal 
society we have created across our entire country.
  More than half a century since the marchers in the civil rights 
movement called on us to create an America where we were all judged by 
the content of our character rather than the color of our skin, we find 
ourselves facing the same challenges as 50 years ago, with implicit 
bias and structural inequities ravaging our communities of color. That 
is what you get after combining militarized policing with overly harsh 
sentencing laws, mass incarceration, private prisons, continued 
institutional racial discrimination, and a decades-long disinvestment 
in public education, affordable housing, food assistance, addiction 
treatment, and healthcare resources.
  That is the system we are talking about when we talk about systemic 
racism. It will take more than nice words and kind wishes in a fleeting 
period of weeks to dismantle that system that has been built up in the 
400 years since the first slaves were brought to our shores and in the 
last 50 years of rapidly growing mass incarceration. The sooner we 
finally recognize this, the sooner we can try to envision and implement 
effective, comprehensive reforms on the scale necessary to create 
institutions that look out for all of us.
  Over the last months, as we have all confronted the health and 
economic crises brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic, I have often heard 
that we need to get back to normal. But that version of normal was not 
working for all of us.
  Rather than hoping to get back to that unequal and unjust normal of 
before, I would offer this challenge to all of us. We have an 
opportunity--an opportunity to rebuild our country in the months and 
years ahead. Let's rebuild our country to create an America that 
includes all of us. Let's rebuild our country in a way that respects 
the human dignity of Black lives and provides safety and opportunity to 
all of us. Let's rebuild America to become the place we all want it to 
be: a nation where we see each other as fellow human beings, equally 
deserving of life and liberty.
  There is still so much more hard work ahead of us. Passing the 
Justice in Policing Act is a first meaningful step on a long path 
forward
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mrs. BLACKBURN. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum 
call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                              Free Speech

  Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. President, over the past few months, we have all 
watched the power that the digital community has to make someone's 
passing thought go viral and the power that the digital mob has to make 
controversial voices completely disappear.
  Well, who is the ``digital mob'' exactly, because right now we are 
hearing a lot about mob rule. Sometimes it is hard to tell who the mob 
actually is. Is it the millions of users who swarm social media 
platforms at the very first hint of a controversy, or is it the 
professional activists who provoke many of these attacks? They seem to 
know just when to pitch a thought, a word, or an idea. Could it be the 
platforms themselves that cave to the pressure and police speech when 
they don't agree with that speech?
  So let's drill down on this just a little bit. Today I want to focus 
on the Googles and the Facebooks of the world because, when it comes 
down to it, they are the ones that are in the driver's seat. They are 
the ones that end up calling the shots.
  For years, tech companies have waged a very public war against 
platform users who speak out against the popular narrative, and the 
executives charged with defending these calls routinely struggle to 
explain the arbitrary nature of their content-moderation policies.
  Every time moderators remove a post for what is called shocking 
content or cause a moral panic by placing a warning label on satire, 
Big Tech asks us to just, oh, write it off: It was a mistake. We really 
didn't mean to do it. Move on.
  But we haven't moved on because the platforms themselves have 
provided plenty of evidence to confirm that Big Tech's employees bring 
their bias to the workplace. Bear in mind, all of these employees who 
are developing the search models--the algorithms that are prioritizing 
your search, that are mining your data, that are policing

[[Page S4105]]

your speech--are bringing their bias and their prejudice to the 
workplace.
  These fears were confirmed back in 2017 when the New York Times 
reported that a Twitter employee intentionally--intentionally--deleted 
President Trump's account, not because of any violation but because the 
employee had an ax to grind. They did not like President Donald Trump.
  This May, the Wall Street Journal revealed that Facebook set up a 
multistep approval process for changes to its ``integrity ranking 
initiative'' due to ``reasonable concerns that overzealous engineers 
might let their politics influence the platform.''
  Think about that. Facebook set up a multistep approval process for 
changes to its integrity ranking initiative due to reasonable concerns 
that overzealous engineers might let their politics influence the 
platform. Do you think? Of course they were. Of course they were. The 
problem: They have been doing it all along and trying to say it is just 
your imagination when, actually, it is not.
  I don't think anyone anticipated that digital platforms would become 
powerful enough to act as judge and jury over what information 
Americans should be allowed to access online. Congress certainly didn't 
anticipate it when drafting legislation to keep those companies in 
check. But they have overstepped their bounds. They continue to 
misbehave until we come along and slap their hand, and then they try to 
act as if they are going to solve their problems, which leads us to our 
current debate over section 230 reform.
  Big Tech relies on section 230 of the Communications Decency Act to 
shield themselves from content-based litigation. The statute also acts 
as a sword that platforms can engage to remove content they judge to be 
obscene, violent, harassing, or otherwise objectionable.
  In the section 230 world, then, the users--the users--are responsible 
for what they post, not the platform that hosts the content.
  The platforms, however, have the right to set their own content 
guidelines within limits without being sued. That sounds reasonable. 
Section 230 is important, specifically, because of what it doesn't do. 
It does not force companies to choose between moderating every piece of 
content they host and letting their websites turn into the Wild West.
  But, as I said, no legislation could have anticipated our current 
digital landscape. Big Tech companies like Google and Facebook now have 
the power to ruin content creators who step out of line. And it is 
their line. Even if those creators manage to stay on the right side of 
the moderators, they know their online presence--and many times this is 
also their livelihood--lives or dies at the hands of employees given 
the near-impossible task of remaining completely neutral 100 percent of 
the time. The dynamic between users and platforms has changed. And now, 
Congress must change the law that guides that dynamic.
  Here is the problem. This country has become so polarized, I am not 
sure Big Tech understands what a healthy dynamic would actually look 
like. No longer do their choices seem to make sense to many Americans. 
The compulsion to flag and report and threaten has become a reflex. 
When the digital mob chooses to attack on any given day, then, their 
choices are going to change with every news cycle. As we have seen, 
this heavily influences how Big Tech chooses to police content on their 
platforms.
  You may have been saying or posting something for years--no problem. 
But then one day, that digital mob--because of the news cycle--will 
choose to attack you.
  Conservatives have suffered under this mob rule. There is no denying 
it. There is no denying that there is a digital mob. But reform can 
happen without overextending the heavy hand of Federal regulation over 
the entire tech industry. As someone who knows what it feels like to be 
censored, I get it. I absolutely understand why we need these reforms 
and why Congress needs to act now, this year. But I also know that the 
more you rely on threats to motivate good corporate behavior, the more 
likely you will be to find reasons to follow through on them.
  We must find stronger ways to rein in tech firms seeking to become 
the new speech police. We know for a fact that Big Tech's biases are 
the problem. But when did more government become the solution? We 
already tried that approach. We called it the fairness doctrine. Guess 
what. It did not work. Instead of encouraging free and fair discourse, 
powerful parties use those rigid standards as leverage to control 
speech.
  And, I will tell you, I can think of few things more dangerous than 
allowing lawmakers and bureaucrats to weaponize the full force of the 
Federal Government against the private exchange of information.
  What we do know is this. Big Tech's era of self-regulation is over. 
It no longer works. Big Tech is not a group of infant companies. They 
are referred to as Big Tech because they have grown.
  This self-regulation is over. It is time for Congress to take an 
action. But punitive, one-size-fits-all standards will put these tech 
companies in a straitjacket. It would hamper innovation, and, 
eventually, it would collapse the industry.
  Instead, we should set up and give Big Tech guidance that will 
encourage growth and will encourage innovation, while also making it 
abundantly clear that Congress will not allow Big Tech's political bias 
to determine what information Americans are allowed to access online. 
We will not allow Big Tech and their political bias to determine how 
information is prioritized through your search engine. We are not going 
to allow Big Tech and their political bias to data-mine every email, 
every text, and every search, and then use that to access your 
information online.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record 
the previously referenced articles from the New York Times and the Wall 
Street Journal
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                             [Nov. 2, 2017]

       Rogue Twitter Employee Briefly Shuts Down Trump's Account

                           (By Maggie Astor)

       This is the way the world ends: not with a bang but a 
     deleted Twitter account.
       At least, so it appeared for 11 minutes Thursday evening, 
     when visitors to President Trump's personal account, 
     @realDonaldTrump, were informed that there was no such thing.
       The error message on some devices was even more dire: 
     ``@realDonaldTrump does not exist.''
       Amid a presidency that has seemed, at times, to be 
     conducted primarily in 140-character pieces, this was a 
     seismic event--and what was left of Twitter erupted. It was a 
     raucous, modern-day town-square gathering of the sort not 
     seen since . . . well, since five months ago, when Mr. Trump 
     coined a new word in the middle of the night.
       It was just before 7 p.m. Thursday, and the internet was in 
     an uproar. Time stopped. The sun rose in the west and set in 
     the east. What, the watchers wondered, was going on? Had 
     Twitter closed the president's account? Had a White House 
     aide snatched the phone from Mr. Trump's tweeting hands? Had 
     Robert Mueller chosen this moment to rifle through the 
     president's direct messages? Had Mr. Trump himself--could it 
     be?--decided he'd had enough of his favorite medium?
       The answer, revealed three hours later, was something 
     straight out of ``Office Space.'' After saying in an initial 
     statement that the account had been ``inadvertently 
     deactivated due to human error by a Twitter employee,'' 
     Twitter announced that a rogue customer support worker had 
     done it on his or her last day at the company.
       Many of Mr. Trump's supporters were incensed, with some 
     saying the incident showed a disregard for free speech. His 
     opponents, on the other hand, were gleeful. ``America: Hire 
     this person,'' former Representative John Dingell of Michigan 
     tweeted.
       Even before Twitter confirmed that the deactivation had 
     been deliberate, some were speculating about it.
       In the tech world, the statement raised more questions than 
     it answered. Twitter has never said how many employees have 
     access to Mr. Trump's account, or described the safeguards it 
     has in place for its highest-profile users. And the company 
     is already under the microscope in Washington, where Congress 
     is investigating how technology giants might have shaped the 
     outcome of the 2016 presidential election.
       Mr. Trump was locked out for just 11 minutes, and then, 
     just as suddenly, he was back. Those watching found 
     themselves unscathed--though some could not quite shake a 
     sense of dread.
       The president himself got back to business as if nothing 
     had happened, tweeting at 8:05 p.m.: ``Great Tax Cut rollout 
     today. The lobbyists are storming Capital Hill, but the 
     Republicans will hold strong and do what is

[[Page S4106]]

     right for America!'' He then fired off four more tweets, 
     denouncing the Democratic National Committee and James B. 
     Comey before inviting viewers to watch his interview with 
     Laura Ingraham on Fox News.
       And so, back in the offices and homes of the nation, the 
     people of Twitter could only sit back and reflect.
       For better or for worse, the world seemed predictable 
     again, and one user made his prediction bold. ``Man,'' Alex 
     Zalben wrote, ``in like nine months there's gonna be a ton of 
     Trump Twitter blackout babies.''
                                  ____


                             [May 26, 2020]

  Facebook Executives Shut Down Efforts To Make the Site Less Divisive

                (By Jeff Horwitz and Deepa Seetharaman)

       A Facebook Inc. FB 0.35% team had a blunt message for 
     senior executives. The company's algorithms weren't bringing 
     people together. They were driving people apart.
       ``Our algorithms exploit the human brain's attraction to 
     divisiveness,'' read a slide from a 2018 presentation. ``If 
     left unchecked,'' it warned, Facebook would feed users ``more 
     and more divisive content in an effort to gain user attention 
     & increase time on the platform.''
       That presentation went to the heart of a question dogging 
     Facebook almost since its founding: Does its platform 
     aggravate polarization and tribal behavior?
       The answer it found, in some cases, was yes.
       Facebook had kicked off an internal effort to understand 
     how its platform shaped user behavior and how the company 
     might address potential harms. Chief Executive Mark 
     Zuckerberg had in public and private expressed concern about 
     ``sensationalism and polarization.''
       But in the end, Facebook's interest was fleeting. Mr. 
     Zuckerberg and other senior executives largely shelved the 
     basic research, according to previously unreported internal 
     documents and people familiar with the effort, and weakened 
     or blocked efforts to apply its conclusions to Facebook 
     products.
       Facebook policy chief Joel Kaplan, who played a central 
     role in vetting--proposed changes, argued at the time that 
     efforts to make conversations on the platform more civil were 
     ``paternalistic,'' said people familiar with his comments.
       Another concern, they and others said, was that some 
     proposed changes would have disproportionately affected 
     conservative users and publishers, at a time when the company 
     faced accusations from the right of political bias.
       Facebook revealed few details about the effort and has 
     divulged little about what became of it. In 2020, the 
     questions the effort sought to address are even more acute, 
     as a charged presidential election looms and Facebook has 
     been a conduit for conspiracy theories and partisan sparring 
     about the coronavirus pandemic.
       In essence, Facebook is under fire for making the world 
     more divided. Many of its own experts appeared to agree--and 
     to believe Facebook could mitigate many of the problems. The 
     company chose not to.
       Mr. Kaplan in a recent interview said he and other 
     executives had approved certain changes meant to improve 
     civic discussion. In other cases where proposals were 
     blocked, he said, he was trying to ``instill some discipline, 
     rigor and responsibility into the process'' as he vetted the 
     effectiveness and potential unintended consequences of 
     changes to how the platform operated.
       Internally, the vetting process earned a nickname: ``Eat 
     Your Veggies.''
       Americans were drifting apart on fundamental societal 
     issues well before the creation of social media, decades of 
     Pew Research Center surveys have shown. But 60% of Americans 
     think the country's biggest tech companies are helping 
     further divide the country, while only 11% believe they are 
     uniting it, according to a Gallup-Knight survey in March.
       At Facebook, ``There was this soul-searching period after 
     2016 that seemed to me this period of really sincere, `Oh 
     man, what if we really did mess up the world?' '' said Eli 
     Pariser, co-director of Civic Signals, a project that aims to 
     build healthier digital spaces, and who has spoken to 
     Facebook officials about polarization.
       Mr. Pariser said that started to change after March 2018, 
     when Facebook got in hot water after disclosing that 
     Cambridge Analytica, the political-analytics startup, 
     improperly obtained Facebook data about tens of millions of 
     people. The shift has gained momentum since, he said: ``The 
     internal pendulum swung really hard to `the media hates us no 
     matter what we do, so let's just batten down the hatches.' ''
       In a sign of how far the company has moved, Mr. Zuckerberg 
     in January said he would stand up ``against those who say 
     that new types of communities forming on social media are 
     dividing us.'' People who have heard him speak privately said 
     he argues social media bears little responsibility for 
     polarization.
       He argues the platform is in fact a guardian of free 
     speech, even when the content is objectionable--a position 
     that drove Facebook's decision not to fact-check political 
     advertising ahead of the 2020 election.


                            INTEGRITY TEAMS

       Facebook launched its research on divisive content and 
     behavior at a moment when it was grappling with whether its 
     mission to ``connect the world'' was good for society.
       Fixing the polarization problem would be difficult, 
     requiring Facebook to rethink some of its core products. Most 
     notably, the project forced Facebook to consider how it 
     prioritized ``user engagement''--a metric involving time 
     spent, likes, shares and comments that for years had been the 
     lodestar of its system.
       Championed by Chris Cox, Facebook's chief product officer 
     at the time and a top deputy to Mr. Zuckerberg, the work was 
     carried out over much of 2017 and 2018 by engineers and 
     researchers assigned to a cross-jurisdictional task force 
     dubbed ``Common Ground'' and employees in newly created 
     ``Integrity Teams'' embedded around the company.
       Even before the teams' 2017 creation, Facebook researchers 
     had found signs of trouble. A 2016 presentation that names as 
     author a Facebook researcher and sociologist, Monica Lee, 
     found extremist content thriving in more than one-third of 
     large German political groups on the platform. Swamped with 
     racist, conspiracy-minded and pro-Russian content, the groups 
     were disproportionately influenced by a subset of hyperactive 
     users, the presentation notes. Most of them were private or 
     secret.
       The high number of extremist groups was concerning, the 
     presentation says. Worse was Facebook's realization that its 
     algorithms were responsible for their growth. The 2016 
     presentation states that ``64% of all extremist group joins 
     are due to our recommendation tools'' and that most of the 
     activity came from the platform's ``Groups You Should Join'' 
     and ``Discover'' algorithms: ``Our recommendation systems 
     grow the problem.''
       Ms. Lee, who remains at Facebook, didn't respond to 
     inquiries. Facebook declined to respond to questions about 
     how it addressed the problem in the presentation, which other 
     employees said weren't unique to Germany or the Groups 
     product. In a presentation at an international security 
     conference in February, Mr. Zuckerberg said the company tries 
     not to recommend groups that break its rules or are 
     polarizing.
       ``We've learned a lot since 2016 and are not the same 
     company today,'' a Facebook spokeswoman said. ``We've built a 
     robust integrity team, strengthened our policies and 
     practices to limit harmful content, and used research to 
     understand our platform's impact on society so we continue to 
     improve.'' Facebook in February announced $2 million in 
     funding for independent research proposals on polarization.
       The Common Ground team sought to tackle the polarization 
     problem directly, said people familiar with the team. Data 
     scientists involved with the effort found some interest 
     groups--often hobby-based groups with no explicit ideological 
     alignment--brought people from different backgrounds together 
     constructively. Other groups appeared to incubate impulses to 
     fight, spread falsehoods or demonize a population of 
     outsiders.
       In keeping with Facebook's commitment to neutrality, the 
     teams decided Facebook shouldn't police people's opinions, 
     stop conflict on the platform, or prevent people from forming 
     communities. The vilification of one's opponents was the 
     problem, according to one internal document from the team.
       ``We're explicitly not going to build products that attempt 
     to change people's beliefs,'' one 2018 document states. 
     ``We're focused on products that increase empathy, 
     understanding, and humanization of the `other side.' ''


                           hot-button issues

       One proposal sought to salvage conversations in groups 
     derailed by hot-button issues, according to the people 
     familiar with the team and internal documents. If two members 
     of a Facebook group devoted to parenting fought about 
     vaccinations, the moderators could establish a temporary 
     subgroup to host the argument or limit the frequency of 
     posting on the topic to avoid a public flame war.
       Another idea, documents show, was to tweak recommendation 
     algorithms to suggest a wider range of Facebook groups than 
     people would ordinarily encounter.
       Building these features and combating polarization might 
     come at a cost of lower engagement, the Common Ground team 
     warned in a mid-2018 document, describing some of its own 
     proposals as ``antigrowth'' and requiring Facebook to ``take 
     a moral stance.''
       Taking action would require Facebook to form partnerships 
     with academics and nonprofits to give credibility to changes 
     affecting public conversation, the document says. This was 
     becoming difficult as the company slogged through 
     controversies after the 2016 presidential election.
       ``People don't trust us,'' said a presentation created in 
     the summer of 2018.
       The engineers and data scientists on Facebook's Integrity 
     Teams--chief among them, scientists who worked on newsfeed, 
     the stream of posts and photos that greet users when they 
     visit Facebook--arrived at the polarization problem 
     indirectly, according to people familiar with the teams. 
     Asked to combat fake news, spam, clickbait and inauthentic 
     users, the employees looked for ways to diminish the reach of 
     such ills. One early discovery: Bad behavior came 
     disproportionately from a small pool of hyperpartisan users.
       A second finding in the U.S. saw a larger infrastructure of 
     accounts and publishers on the far right than on the far 
     left. Outside observers were documenting the same phenomenon. 
     The gap meant even seemingly

[[Page S4107]]

     apolitical actions such as reducing the spread of clickbait 
     headlines--along the lines of ``You Won't Believe What 
     Happened Next''--affected conservative speech more than 
     liberal content in aggregate.
       That was a tough sell to Mr. Kaplan, said people who heard 
     him discuss Common Ground and Integrity proposals. A former 
     deputy chief of staff to George W. Bush, Mr. Kaplan became 
     more involved in content-ranking decisions after 2016 
     allegations Facebook had suppressed trending news stories 
     from conservative outlets. An internal review didn't 
     substantiate the claims of bias, Facebook's then-general 
     counsel Colin Stretch told Congress, but the damage to 
     Facebook's reputation among conservatives had been done.
       Every significant new integrity-ranking initiative had to 
     seek the approval of not just engineering managers but also 
     representatives of the public policy, legal, marketing and 
     public-relations departments.
       Lindsey Shepard, a former Facebook product-marketing 
     director who helped set up the Eat Your Veggies process, said 
     it arose from what she believed were reasonable concerns that 
     overzealous engineers might let their politics influence the 
     platform.
       ``Engineers that were used to having autonomy maybe over-
     rotated a bit'' after the 2016 election to address Facebook's 
     perceived flaws, she said. The meetings helped keep that in 
     check. ``At the end of the day, if we didn't reach consensus, 
     we'd frame up the different points of view, and then they'd 
     be raised up to Mark.''


                           Scuttled projects

       Disapproval from Mr. Kaplan's team or Facebook's 
     communications department could scuttle a project, said 
     people familiar with the effort. Negative policy-team reviews 
     killed efforts to build a classification system for 
     hyperpolarized content. Likewise, the Eat Your Veggies 
     process shut down efforts to suppress clickbait about 
     politics more than on other topics.
       Initiatives that survived were often weakened. Mr. Cox 
     wooed Carlos Gomez Uribe, former head of Netflix Inc.'s 
     recommendation system, to lead the newsfeed Integrity Team in 
     January 2017. Within a few months, Mr. Uribe began pushing to 
     reduce the outsize impact hyperactive users had.
       Under Facebook's engagement-based metrics, a user who 
     likes, shares or comments on 1,500 pieces of content has more 
     influence on the platform and its algorithms than one who 
     interacts with just 15 posts, allowing ``super-sharers'' to 
     drown out less-active users. Accounts with hyperactive 
     engagement were far more partisan on average than normal 
     Facebook users, and they were more likely to behave 
     suspiciously, sometimes appearing on the platform as much as 
     20 hours a day and engaging in spam-like behavior. The 
     behavior suggested some were either people working in shifts 
     or bots.
       One proposal Mr. Uribe's team championed, called ``Sparing 
     Sharing,'' would have reduced the spread of content 
     disproportionately favored by hyperactive users, according to 
     people familiar with it. Its effects would be heaviest on 
     content favored by users on the far right and left. Middle-
     of-the road users would gain influence.
       Mr. Uribe called it ``the happy face,'' said some of the 
     people. Facebook's data scientists believed it could bolster 
     the platform's defenses against spam and coordinated 
     manipulation efforts of the sort Russia undertook during the 
     2016 election.
       Mr. Kaplan and other senior Facebook executives pushed back 
     on the grounds it might harm a hypothetical Girl Scout troop, 
     said people familiar with his comments. Suppose, Mr. Kaplan 
     asked them, that the girls became Facebook super-sharers to 
     promote cookies? Mitigating the reach of the platform's most 
     dedicated users would unfairly thwart them, he said.
       Mr. Kaplan in the recent interview said he didn't remember 
     raising the Girl Scout example but was concerned about the 
     effect on publishers who happened to have enthusiastic 
     followings.
       The debate got kicked up to Mr. Zuckerberg, who heard out 
     both sides in a short meeting, said people briefed on it. His 
     response: Do it, but cut the weighting by 80%. Mr. Zuckerberg 
     also signaled he was losing interest in the effort to 
     recalibrate the platform in the name of social good, they 
     said, asking that they not bring him something like that 
     again.
       Mr. Uribe left Facebook and the tech industry within the 
     year. He declined to discuss his work at Facebook in detail 
     but confirmed his advocacy for the Sparing Sharing proposal. 
     He said he left Facebook because of his frustration with 
     company executives and their narrow focus on how integrity 
     changes would affect American politics. While proposals like 
     his did disproportionately affect conservatives in the U.S., 
     he said, in other countries the opposite was true.
       Other projects met Sparing Sharing's fate: weakened, not 
     killed. Partial victories included efforts to promote news 
     stories garnering engagement from a broad user base, not just 
     partisans, and penalties for publishers that repeatedly 
     shared false news or directed users to ad-choked pages.
       The tug of war was resolved in part by the growing furor 
     over the Cambridge Analytica scandal. In a September 2018 
     reorganization of Facebook's newsfeed team, managers told 
     employees the company's priorities were shifting ``away from 
     societal good to individual value,'' said people present for 
     the discussion. If users wanted to routinely view or post 
     hostile content about groups they didn't like, Facebook 
     wouldn't suppress it if the content didn't specifically 
     violate the company's rules.
       Mr. Cox left the company several months later after 
     disagreements regarding Facebook's pivot toward private 
     encrypted messaging. He hadn't won most fights he had engaged 
     in on integrity ranking and Common Ground product changes, 
     people involved in the effort said, and his departure left 
     the remaining staffers working on such projects without a 
     high-level advocate.
       The Common Ground team disbanded. The Integrity Teams still 
     exist, though many senior staffers left the company or headed 
     to Facebook's Instagram platform.
       Mr. Zuckerberg announced in 2019 that Facebook would take 
     down content violating specific standards but where possible 
     take a hands-off approach to policing material not clearly 
     violating its standards.
       ``You can't impose tolerance top-down,'' he said in an 
     October speech at Georgetown University. ``It has to come 
     from people opening up, sharing experiences, and developing a 
     shared story for society that we all feel we're a part of. 
     That's how we make progress together.''


                       END Child Exploitation Act

  Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. President, I want to take a moment to thank 
Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham for adding the 
bipartisan and critically important END Exploitation Act to the EARN It 
Act, which is set for markup on Thursday.
  This bill, which I introduced with Senator Cortez Masto, would 
lengthen evidence preservation time in online child exploitation cases 
and assist law enforcement in prosecuting child predators. Once passed, 
the law will double the length of time we require tech firms like 
Facebook and Snapchat to preserve evidence and reports of online child 
exploitation.
  In 2018, tech companies reported over 45 million--45 million--photos 
and videos of children being sexually abused. Unfortunately, that was 
double the number of reports in 2017. This legislation will give the 
police more time to investigate these horrific crimes. It will put 
child predators in jail where they belong.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Blackburn). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.


                   Unanimous Consent Request--S. 3685

  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, today is July 1. For millions of 
Americans, the rent is due. Utility bills don't stop, either. But too 
many New York families and too many American families will be unable to 
make the payments amid the pandemic that has already hurt my city and 
its people.

  The first of the month should not be the end of the financial line 
for working families, and that is why we are here. We must continue to 
put real pressure on Leader McConnell to pass the COVID 4 legislation 
that would include critical rent relief to families who desperately 
need the help.
  Our working families--many of color and other minority groups--are in 
desperate need of this basic assistance so they can continue working, 
feeding their families, making ends meet. That is our push today.
  Enact the Emergency Rental Assistance and Rental Market Stabilization 
Act--which has a $100 billion promise to renters across the country--
and the promise is real help during the real and unprecedented crisis.
  Let me give you some background. The Heroes Act would authorize $100 
billion for the Emergency Rental Assistance Program led by Sherrod 
Brown, the ranking member of the Banking and Housing Committee, who has 
just done a great job letting people know the crisis and now acting on 
it. What it does is it helps families and individuals pay their rent 
and utility bills and remain in their homes during and after the COVID-
19 crisis.
  The bill was already included in the House-passed and bipartisan 
Heroes Act, but, unfortunately, once again--as he does with so many 
other important issues--Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has 
refused to bring it to the floor, so Senator Brown has come to ask the 
unanimous consent.
  Without basic assistance, even those renters who are currently 
shielded by temporary Federal and local eviction

[[Page S4108]]

bans may still face eviction. Let me tell you, once someone is evicted 
and homeless, they regress. The kids can't go to school. Healthcare 
becomes even more remote. Getting to a job through public 
transportation is so difficult.
  This actually is a stitch in time that saves nine. If people can stay 
in their homes because they can't pay the rent through no fault of 
their own, they have a better chance of reestablishing their lives and 
maybe even climbing up that American ladder. If they are kicked out of 
their homes because they can't pay the rent, through no fault of their 
own, it is very, very difficult. They are in a deep, deep hole.
  We must, must do something for them. Senator Brown, with his 
persistence and passion, has put together the right plan. We talk about 
numbers, sure, but behind those numbers are the faces of countless New 
Yorkers we see each and every day on mass transit, walking the streets, 
working among us. These folks are fine, hard-working people. All they 
want is a little dignity in their lives and ability to keep a roof over 
their heads. They need help now more than ever.
  We need action on this now, and that is the message to our friends on 
the other side of the aisle.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.
  Mr. BROWN. Madam President, I thank the Democratic leader.
  I have a prepared speech I want to make, but I heard Senator Schumer 
talk about this. These are human beings. We in this body are Senators. 
We go back and forth to our States. We have the privilege of working 
pretty safe. We are paid. We aren't exposed to the virus all that much, 
mostly because we are pretty careful because we can be, and we have 
jobs where we can be.
  Think about this. You work in a grocery store, and you are exposed to 
the coronavirus. A grocery store worker told me one day: They tell me I 
am essential, but I feel expendable because I am not very safe in this 
job, and they don't pay me much.
  What if she gets laid off--that wouldn't happen so much in a grocery 
store because they are hiring--but in another job, they get laid off. 
They have to worry about potential eviction. Their unemployment will 
run out at the end of July. We have done nothing to help them
  What happens with all these people who get evicted? They end up on 
the streets or they go to homeless shelters that are too crowded. They 
go to live on their cousin's couch in the basement. What are the 
chances of them getting coronavirus? These are human beings in New York 
and Ohio and Idaho and Tennessee and all over. I can't believe we are 
not about to do something about this.
  I thank the leader for his involvement on this issue that is so 
important. We are in the middle of a crisis, unlike anything any of us 
have ever lived through. That goes without saying. Every single day we 
hear about hundreds and hundreds more Americans dying.
  Back in March, South Korea had 90 cases. We had 90 cases. The capital 
of South Korea is 800 miles from Wuhan where this virus started. They 
have had fewer than 300 people die. We have had 120,000. They don't 
have better doctors. They don't have better public health. They don't 
have better medical scientists. They have better leaders than we do, 
obviously. Their unemployment rate is under 4 percent and fewer than 
300 people have died. The people who have died are our sisters, our 
brothers, our parents, our friends, and neighbors.
  The President of the United States and the Republican leader down the 
hall--who occasionally goes in and out of his office--have stopped 
pretending to care. They rarely talk about the coronavirus. The 
President rarely extends any sympathy to our brothers and our sisters 
and our parents and our friends and our neighbors who have been sick 
and who have died. It is not the President's rich friends who are 
dying; it is our grandparents. They are the people in nursing homes. 
They are disproportionately the Black and Brown workers who caught the 
virus on the job.
  The Trump administration and Senator McConnell, essentially, have 
just given up. We can't. We have to do our jobs. We need to show 
leadership where the President has failed and where the majority 
leader--the most powerful person in this body, the top elected official 
in the Senate, says: ``I see no urgency.'' He sees no urgency because 
he is not out talking to people who are about to be foreclosed on or 
evicted from their home. Imagine being evicted in the middle of a 
pandemic. Imagine the fear and anxiety a family have when they are in 
that position.
  We need to fight the health crisis and economic crisis. We can't do 
one without the other. Millions of Americans are in danger of being 
evicted and having their homes foreclosed on. The last thing we need to 
do is turn them out on the streets.
  We have a housing crisis. Many know this. Senator Menendez has joined 
us, who is one of the best advocates for these issues of anybody in the 
Senate. We knew there was a housing crisis before the coronavirus set.
  We know that one-fourth of renters in this country, before the 
coronavirus, paid more than half of their income in housing. One thing 
happens in their life, just one thing. Their car breaks down. Their 
child gets sick. They get in a car accident, and they are out of work 
for a week. They get evicted. They don't have any kind of margin there.
  We know that professions we are recognizing as essential don't pay 
enough to afford housing. We are seeing millions of people have these 
emergencies. The ones they had before, many people have now. Millions 
have them all at once. They face impossible choices between rent and 
groceries, or prescriptions, or draining their savings, or going to a 
payday lender, and you never go to a payday lender once. You keep going 
back and back, and the interest you pay is more than you originally 
borrowed. In essence, they have no choice at all. It is not a choice 
between prescriptions and groceries and draining their savings. It is 
no choice at all. Far too often, it ends up being eviction.
  In the CARES Act, we passed emergency expansion of unemployment 
insurance. I appreciate my friend Senator Crapo, chairman of this 
committee, who supported that and so much of what is in this package. 
We provided funding for the most immediate needs of housing and 
organizations that put a temporary moratorium on evictions and 
foreclosures for some--not all renters and not nearly all homeowners. 
It is an important step but not enough.
  We face two huge cliffs. This is July 1. On July 31, the $600 a month 
that has kept people in their homes and kept food on their table and 
kept clothes on the backs of their kids--that $600 a month ends come 
July 31. At the end, in many cases, the eviction moratorium ends.
  The President and Leader McConnell don't seem to notice. They don't 
seem to care. For all those renters who have been protected, back rent 
will suddenly be due. You may have gotten a moratorium on your rent for 
3 months, but now you will owe for 4 months. The same goes for millions 
who aren't protected under the CARES Act but got relief from a 
temporary State or local moratorium or because their eviction courts 
were closed in many States.
  With tens of millions of people filing for unemployment, the 
President is still refusing to lead and do something about this virus 
to get it under control. We know people still need help. They still 
need help paying the rent. They still need help making mortgage 
payments. They still need help protecting themselves from evictions and 
foreclosures. Forty percent of Black and Latinx renters report they are 
unlikely able to make their next payment--40 percent. It is not because 
they are not working hard. They got laid off and are in low-wage jobs.
  That is why Senator Menendez and I and Senator Schumer and others 
cosponsored and introduced--39 of my fellow colleagues--introduced the 
Emergency Rental Assistance Stabilization Act. It would provide $100 
billion for emergency rental assistance, including help with missed 
rent and utility bills. It already passed the House twice.
  It is included in the Heroes Act that they passed a month ago, but it 
is sitting on the majority leader's desk because he doesn't seem to 
notice. For millions of families, the bills keep

[[Page S4109]]

coming and the clock keeps ticking and the stress keeps mounting.

  Now a second round of layoffs are starting because this President 
refuses to lead and get this virus under control.
  Two weeks ago, they reopened eviction courts in Columbus. They opened 
the Convention Center to process evictions. Think of the heartache in 
that building. People go to court and find out they are evicted. The 
judge brings down a gavel, and their lives turn upside down. Reflect on 
that. Tens of millions of people lose their jobs. We are not using 
arenas to play basketball or to play indoor soccer. We are not doing 
that now. We are using arenas as eviction courts.
  Before this pandemic, President Trump and his wealthy Cabinet Members 
didn't realize or didn't care that behind the rosy stock market data 
this economy was already broken for millions of workers--especially for 
Black and Brown workers for whom it never worked to begin. Now the 
Trump administration--sort of like what happened with the Russians 
paying to kill American troops--the administration either doesn't know 
it or doesn't care that the bottom is falling out for these families.
  Without emergency rental assistance, these families find themselves 
on the street with their lives turned upside down in the middle of a 
pandemic.
  People are tired of the lack of action and lack of accountability. 
They are tired of being betrayed by a leader who is supposed to look 
out for them. They are tired of feeling like no one is on their side. 
We are the greatest country on the Earth, and we should act like it.
  American people should not always have to fend for themselves because 
we have an indifferent majority leader and a President who doesn't know 
or doesn't care in the middle of this once-in-a-generation crisis.
  It is time to step up. It is time to lead. It is time to think about 
what it would be like to face an eviction, knowing your two small 
children and you don't know where you are going to live. It is probably 
going to be in a homeless shelter or in a cousin's basement. You know 
your chances of getting infected with the coronavirus go up. Just think 
about those people when we make these decisions.
  Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to 
the immediate consideration of S. 3685, the Emergency Rental Assistance 
and Rental Market Stabilization Act of 2020. I ask that the bill be 
considered read three times and passed and that the motion to 
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no 
intervening action or debate.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Idaho.
  Mr. CRAPO. Madam President, reserving the right to object.
  To date, Congress has appropriated nearly $3 trillion to protect, 
strengthen, and support Americans in all walks of life, to fight the 
COVID-19 pandemic and to stabilize the infrastructure and our economic 
system.
  Senator Brown and I worked on a big part of that package together on 
a team which was put together by Senator McConnell to try to make sure 
we addressed, in a bipartisan fashion, the way to respond to this 
pandemic.
  The CARES Act has been central to the effort and includes measures to 
help families directly, to provide aid to small businesses, to assist 
those in the medical field and on the frontlines of our response 
effort, and to stabilize our markets.
  Soon after, Congress passed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic 
Security Act--or CARES Act--codifying and extending these protections 
and providing financial relief to renters--yes, to renters.
  Title IV of the CARES Act contains three housing provisions. Section 
4022 imposes a 60-day eviction and foreclosure moratorium for single-
family borrowers with federally backed mortgage loans. It allows 
struggling homeowners 1 year of loan forbearance.
  Section 4023 extends similar relief to multifamily borrowers who are 
current on their mortgage payments. They can request up to 90-days 
forbearance as long as they do not evict the tenant or charge late fees 
during the pandemic.
  Section 4024 imposes a 120-day moratorium on evictions, fees, and 
penalties. That moratorium will not expire until August 31.
  As with much of the CARES Act, the provisions dealing with 
stabilizing our economy and helping to support and sustain workers, 
small business owners, homeowners, and home renters are all playing out 
right now as we speak.
  Yet the real objection here is that Senator McConnell and the 
Republicans have said we want to work on looking at the next package of 
support, but we want to see how this one is playing out first and 
identify those places where we need to target the relief most.
  The objection is that there is a desire, once again, to go rapidly 
into passing the House bill and not having regular order follow in the 
Senate as we work to approach this issue as the existing CARES Act 
plays out.
  All of our housing agencies have extended this eviction and 
foreclosure moratorium and are working to help address the issues 
relating to tenants. HUD has expanded issuer assistance to include 
Pass-Through Assistance Program support, which allows servicers to 
apply for assistance in meeting principal and interest payments, and 
the FHFA has announced that no mortgage servicer will be responsible 
for advancing more than 4 months of missed principal and interest 
payments on a loan. All of these things have been done to stabilize the 
housing markets and to assist low-income home ownership and home 
construction and assistance.
  While I am open to looking at the question of whether additional 
assistance is needed for renters, homeowners, and others in our 
society, I am not willing to simply bypass the process in the Senate--
ignore the considerations that our leadership has called for as we look 
to see how our current support programs are playing out--and simply jam 
the House bill through the Senate without having any debate or process.
  This was the biggest rescue package in the history of Congress, and 
we included a variety of oversight mechanisms in the legislation to 
ensure that the dollars and programs associated with it reached their 
intended marks. Many of the provisions in the CARES Act and those 
appropriated dollars are still making their way to these individuals 
and families and businesses and markets across the country.
  So we must work together to address these critical issues rather than 
simply try to jam one party's or one side of this Congress's approach 
to the solution without going through regular order.
  I would say the arguments that are being made that we or any of us 
are somehow turning a blind eye to the problems that exist could not be 
further from the truth. As I said earlier, the reality is that we 
passed the largest relief program in the history of this country. We 
are working to provide liquidity, as well as actual dollar relief, in 
the amount of trillions of dollars, and those programs are still 
playing out.
  We need to work together rather than, by unanimous consent request 
after unanimous consent request after unanimous consent request, try to 
jam down one side's approach without looking to find the cooperative 
solutions that I know we can.
  Like I said, I am open to working on these very issues, but the way 
to do it is not to come to the floor with a unanimous consent request--
take it or leave it. We need to let proper, regular working order 
operate in the Senate, and we have time to do so.
  For that reason, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Ohio.
  Mr. BROWN. Madam President, before turning to Senators Menendez, 
Cortez Masto, Wyden, Klobuchar, Reed, Schatz, and Van Hollen, who all 
want to speak, I appreciate the comments from my friend--and he really 
is my friend--from Idaho. We work well together.
  We want to do regular order. This last bill was passed in March. Then 
there was April, May, June. Now we are in July. It is not a question of 
regular order. We would love to sit down with Senator McConnell and 
start negotiating as to what is next. We have wanted that really from 
about April 1. No April Fools' joke there; we really wanted to do that. 
Instead, Senator McConnell just seemed to ignore this.
  I mean, go back to the human side. What happens when somebody is 
unemployed? We will be leaving now for 2

[[Page S4110]]

weeks. That is why we are doing these unanimous consent requests now. 
It is because we want to see action. We have asked and asked and begged 
and begged and pleaded and pleaded. So what happens? We will go back 
home for 2 more weeks. Right now, if you can't find a job, if you are 
unemployed and are getting that $600 a week, you start paying attention 
online or you read the papers or however you get your information, and 
you find out that this is going to expire at the end of July. You don't 
know what you are going to do, but you know that you haven't paid rent 
in 3 months because you have had an eviction moratorium.
  Senator Crapo talked about the moratorium. Only half of the people 
who pay mortgages are subject to that moratorium and are protected, and 
only a third of people who rent are. So, for most people, that is 
simply not the case.
  Now that the eviction courts are open and the evictions are starting, 
what happens to those people? Are we just going to say: Well, let's see 
it play out. We know what will happen. If you don't have rental 
assistance, if you lose your unemployment and don't get that $1,200 
check, which is basically 1 month's rent for most people, we know what 
is going to happen to you. Your life is going to turn upside down. That 
is why we need to move. That is why we need to pass this.
  I am disappointed that Senator McConnell has shown no interest in 
doing anything on this other than just sitting tight and hoping that 
the money he raises from special interests--from tobacco, the gun 
lobby, banks, and insurance companies--can help his candidates get 
reelected and he can be majority leader again
  I yield the floor to Senator Menendez.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, let me thank my colleague, the ranking 
Democrat--the senior Democrat--on the Committee on Banking, Housing, 
and Urban Affairs, for his passion and his commitment. He has really 
elevated housing within the jurisdiction of the committee, which is 
something I am passionate about. Very often, everyone refers to the 
committee as the Banking Committee, but housing is a critical element 
of what it does. He has elevated it, and I really appreciate his 
passion on behalf of the millions who rent or who are fortunate enough 
to own homes and want to keep them to try to be able to do so.
  I would just say to my distinguished chairman of the committee that I 
do have the highest respect for him.
  Look, with the CARES package, we lumped in trillions of dollars, but 
overwhelmingly that money went to businesses. Of course, I support 
that, but it went to businesses. It went to sustain businesses. It went 
to ultimately help small, midsized, and even large businesses. It went 
to sustain sectors of our economy like the airline industry and others.
  What we are talking about goes to the very essence of what it is to 
have a home. ``Home'' is one of the most important American concepts. 
It is where we are taken when we are born. It is where we are nurtured 
while we are young. It is where we are schooled. It is where good times 
and bad times take place. Ultimately, it is where we build a life 
around our families if we are fortunate to have a home. Then, in a 
pandemic, we have learned that it is also a place in which to shelter.
  I come to the floor today to warn of an impending storm that is 
brewing, and it is headed our way.
  When the funds for the PPP--for the business program--ran out, we 
didn't have regular order to see if the PPP had been working well. No. 
There was a rush to put more billions in it. It was only when we said 
``Wait a minute, this isn't working so well for small and midsized 
businesses'' that we made some reforms. So there was a rush then. There 
was no regular order.
  We have a storm that is brewing and is headed our way. It will bring 
with it enormous financial pain. It will threaten public safety. It 
will make fighting the pandemic that much harder, and it will set back 
our Nation's economic recovery. If the Senate fails to respond to this 
looming crisis, Americans will needlessly suffer; families will be 
displaced; personal fortunes will be wiped out; and the scars will run 
so deep that it could take decades to heal the wounds.
  As the COVID-19 pandemic took hold, the one saving grace most of us 
had--the one place we could take refuge to protect ourselves and our 
families--was our home. Our leading medical experts all urged us to 
stay home. If you are sick, stay home. If you have an underlying 
condition or are immunocompromised, stay home. If you are elderly or 
otherwise at risk, stay home. If you can, work from home. If you are a 
student, go online and learn from home. If we have learned anything 
from this pandemic, it is that staying home can help to contain the 
virus, flatten the curve, and save lives.
  What if you don't have a home? As we speak, millions of our fellow 
Americans are asking themselves that very same question.
  At a time when COVID-19 cases are spiking across the country, the 
provisions that we passed in the CARES Act to help renters and 
homeowners stay in their homes are about to run out. If we do nothing, 
we could face a foreclosure and eviction crisis far greater than that 
which we encountered during the great recession.
  There is a storm on the horizon. Americans shouldn't have to fear 
being thrown out on the street if they miss their next rent or mortgage 
payments through, really, no fault of their own. They shouldn't have to 
fear losing their greatest personal assets or that one safe place in 
the middle of a pandemic, further exposing themselves and others to the 
virus.
  The Senate can stop this if it wants to. We can make sure that every 
American has a safe and healthy place to call home. That is why I 
joined my Democratic colleagues on the Committee on Banking, Housing, 
and Urban Affairs in introducing two bills last month that will provide 
assistance to homeowners and renters.
  The Housing Assistance Fund, led by Senator Reed, provides $75 
billion in targeted assistance to keep people in their homes while they 
search for new employment or a way to get back to work. This money can 
go toward mortgage payments or utilities or as other support to prevent 
eviction, delinquency, or foreclosure.
  The Emergency Rental Assistance and Rental Market Stabilization Act, 
led by Senator Brown, would provide $100 billion in rental assistance 
to help families pay rent and help property owners maintain safe and 
healthy housing. It will help the economic recovery by stabilizing the 
rental market overall.
  We also have to empower Americans to make informed financial 
decisions--to help them navigate the maze of lenders, landlords, 
government agencies--to find a sustainable path to stay in their homes.
  We all know there is a housing affordability crisis in this country 
that jeopardizes the aspirations of millions of Americans who hope to 
join the middle class, and just as they have borne the brunt of the 
COVID-19 pandemic, low-income and minority Americans will 
disproportionately suffer during economic downturns.
  The provisions that the chairman talked about in the law that we 
passed in order to help are going to be expiring. To the extent that 
you know about it, you might invoke it to protect yourself against an 
eviction or a mortgage foreclosure, but if you don't know about it and 
either the financial institution or your landlord looks the other way 
and doesn't follow the law, well then, you won't get the protection.
  That is why I and 19 of my Democratic colleagues introduced a bill on 
Monday to provide $700 million in housing counseling assistance. 
Research shows that homeowners who receive housing counseling have 
better outcomes than those who don't, and that evidence is 
overwhelming. Their risk of default goes down, and they are more likely 
to see their credit scores rise and their debt levels fall.
  In rough times like we are in right now, these borrowers are more 
likely to get sustainable mortgage modifications and are less likely to 
end up in default. The benefits of housing counseling flow to the 
community at large because when a family is able to buy a home, pay 
their mortgage, build equity, and ultimately achieve the American 
dream, our towns and cities thrive. And during a pandemic, having

[[Page S4111]]

a safe and affordable place to live could mean the difference between 
life and death.

  It is also especially important for senior citizens, who are more 
susceptible to COVID-19. So tomorrow I will introduce legislation to 
provide $1.2 billion in aid for older adults living in federally 
assisted housing.
  This bill provides additional rental assistance for senior housing, 
personal protective gear, and staffing to help maintain a healthy 
community.
  So the forecasts are in. The storm is coming. The question is, What 
are we going to do about it?
  The Fourth of July is Independence Day. It is nice to have 
independence from the fear that I will lose the place that I call home. 
That would be a tremendous gift on the Fourth of July.
  Are we going to help our most vulnerable citizens during this 
pandemic or are we going to just watch them suffer, lose everything, 
and exacerbate this public health crisis?
  Today is July 1. The rent is due. Mortgage payments are due. The 
Senate's work is due.
  I remember--and I will close with this personal anecdote--when I was 
growing up poor in a tenement in New Jersey, the son of an itinerant 
carpenter and a seamstress, there wasn't always work, which meant that 
sometimes paying the rent was a real tough choice. And it was a choice 
of paying the rent or putting food on the table. I saw the anxiety in 
my mother's eyes. I saw the fear in my siblings not knowing whether 
that apartment in that tenement was something we were even going to be 
able to keep. That wasn't in a pandemic. That was just in normal times. 
Imagine in a pandemic, you are told to stay home, and there is no place 
to call home. We can do much better than that. We can do much better 
than that.
  July 1, the rent is due. The mortgage payment is due. The Senate's 
work is due. Let's pass this bill today and make sure every American 
can weather the pandemic in a safe and affordable place to call home.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. WYDEN. Because a lot of my colleagues have been so thoughtful, I 
will have some brief remarks, and then I would ask unanimous consent 
that Senator Cortez Masto could follow me because she is facing a tight 
schedule as well. I know all of my colleagues are.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered
  Mr. WYDEN. Madam President, I join my colleagues this afternoon in 
appreciation of Senator Brown, who has been relentless--absolutely 
relentless--in prosecuting this cause of trying to get a fair shake for 
millions of Americans who are walking on an economic tightrope. Every 
single month, they balance the food bill against the rent bill against 
the energy bill, and Senator Brown--whether it is supercharged 
unemployment benefits, whether it is housing, whether it is taking on 
the big pharmaceutical companies--is there again and again and again to 
stand up for people who don't have power and don't have clout, and I 
want to thank him especially for giving us this opportunity to focus on 
the avalanche of evictions that I believe will be headed in our 
direction in weeks if the Senate doesn't act.
  Yesterday, Dr. Fauci talked about soon possibly seeing as many as 
100,000 new coronavirus cases a day. You simply cannot have a healthy 
economy in a country suffering from mass illness and death.
  There are already tens of millions of Americans out of work as a 
result of a pandemic that is only continuing to spread, and it has hit 
the whole affordability of rent for millions of Americans like a 
powerful storm.
  According to the Census Bureau, 40 percent of Black and Latino 
renters are worried they will not be able to make the rent this summer 
due to the pandemic. That in and of itself is an outrage and an 
injustice.
  My question for our Republican colleagues today involves this 
frightening day at the beginning of the month--the frightening day when 
families sit around a kitchen table, all across the country, and you 
can see the anguish in their faces when you talk to them because, 
around that kitchen table, they are saying to themselves: What am I 
going to spend our scarce dollars on this month? Is it going to be the 
rent? Is it going to be groceries? What about that big pile of medical 
bills that is off in the corner that we have to pay?
  It is July 1, and the rent is due. Our question for our Republican 
colleagues is, What is your plan?
  Senator Brown has been leading us every day--day in, day out--with a 
set of sensible policies that respond to what those families are saying 
around their kitchen tables. We fought for the moratorium on evictions 
that was included in the CARES Act, but it goes poof in a few weeks.
  Already this week my Republican colleagues have blocked funding for 
State and local governments that could have been used to help people 
who are walking that economic tightrope.
  This morning, Leader Schumer and I laid out a plan that I think is a 
path to a dependable safety net in America and, specifically, an 
extension of supercharged unemployment benefits, which ties the benefit 
to economic conditions on the ground. It will be a financial lifeline 
for millions and millions of people. Republicans have been opposed to 
that. Those benefits are going to expire in a matter of weeks, and as I 
said to colleagues: Better know what you are going to be looking at 
when you go home in August if there hasn't been action on our 
legislation to make sure that there are supercharged unemployment 
benefits so that people can pay the rent and buy groceries.
  If they are home all August long, in the heat with families, and they 
are going to have nowhere to turn in terms of paying for a roof over 
their heads and groceries, this is going to be a long, long, hot summer 
that will never be forgotten.
  So let's be clear what is at stake. Long before the pandemic hit, 
housing cost too much. Homelessness was way too common, and, in my 
view, the rate of homelessness among children is a true national 
scandal.
  In the wealthiest Nation on Earth, no child should be without a home. 
But even before the COVID crisis, 1.5 million children were 
experiencing homelessness--1.5 million youngsters living outside, 
living in cars, sleeping on floors, sleeping on the ground.
  Colleagues, in my home State, they have said that school buses have 
had to go to the parks. They have had to go to the parks to pick up 
kids who are living outside with their families.
  It rains once in a while in Oregon. It is cold in Oregon. And to 
think that kids in the richest country on Earth are spending the night 
in the parks and the school buses have to come and get them while we 
have huge tax cuts for those who are powerful and have lobbyists shows 
that things are really out of whack.
  What I describe as it relates to those kids living in the parks--
those kinds of conditions exist for youngsters all over America, and 
that was before the joblessness crisis hit and threw so many more 
working families into economic hardship.
  If the Senate doesn't step up to help families stay in their homes, 
it is going to get much, much worse because there are hundreds of 
thousands, if not millions, of kids facing this recipe for disaster. 
They are out of school. They are isolated, and they are more exposed to 
neglect and abuse. I am so pleased that my friend from Nevada has been 
talking about those families and talking about those kids.
  They are hungry. Their families are facing the threat of eviction. If 
the Senate just sits back and allows these children to fall into 
homelessness, they may never have a chance to get ahead.
  So what it comes down to is that the Senate has an obligation to 
help, and Senator Brown is on target in saying that this is the time to 
pass his Emergency Rental Assistance Act. I am with him. I think we 
have a lot of colleagues here in the queue because they, too, want to 
speak up for the radical idea--what a radical proposition--that in the 
richest country on Earth, the vulnerable ought to have a roof over 
their head.
  Senator Brown's proposal is a vital step forward. I think we all 
agree that much more needs to be done. I am very interested in the 
proposal I call the DASH Act, the Decent, Affordable and Safe Housing 
for All Act. I hope we will be able to get serious about that in 2021.
  The step to take today is to pass Senator Brown's bill, and I look 
forward to

[[Page S4112]]

being back with our colleagues day in, day out, focusing on this crisis 
and making sure that nobody thinks we are going to skip away until the 
Republicans act.
  This country faces a truly horrific eviction nightmare if action is 
not taken soon, and I am very pleased that my friend from Nevada is 
here
  I yield the floor to her.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Ms. CORTEZ MASTO. Madam President, I am here today to support my 
colleagues and our cause to keep Americans in their homes. It is very 
simple. The House has already passed a number of bills to do just that, 
and the Senate needs to do the same thing.
  In this pandemic, housing is healthcare. I know that a lot of 
Americans have had their lives upended by this coronavirus pandemic, 
but I would like you to imagine for a moment how much more chaotic your 
life would feel if you found out that tomorrow you are going to be 
evicted. Imagine trying to make sure you are washing your hands while 
you are living in your car.
  We are in the middle of a public health crisis where we need people 
to be socially distancing, and that means they simply must have a safe, 
stable place to be at the end of the day.
  We realized this months ago in my State, and that is why Governor 
Sisolak put a hold on evicting residents through August 31 of this 
year.
  And Congress? Well, we passed the CARES Act to provide unemployment 
benefits and one-time relief. Those funds, plus the ban on evictions, 
were intended to help keep families in their homes.
  We are 60 days away from resuming evictions in Nevada. In my State 
and across the country, the wave of evictions we have been holding off 
for a month is going to come crashing down if we do not act now.
  Nevada has the highest unemployment rate in the entire country. In 
May, it was over 25 percent--as high as the national rate during the 
worst of the Great Depression. On top of that, some Nevadans haven't 
yet received their unemployment benefits or their pandemic unemployment 
benefits.
  Across the country, almost half of workers earning under $40,000 a 
year have lost income. Some people just don't have the ability to fully 
pay for the rent or mortgage, particularly when we are asking them to 
shelter in place.
  The thing is, in Nevada, we were already in the midst of a housing 
crisis even before this pandemic hit us. Almost half of Nevadans are 
renters. That is 45 percent. Of those renters, half are cost-burdened 
in some way, meaning that they pay more than 30 percent of their income 
in rent.
  Now, the Silver State has the biggest shortage in the country of 
affordable housing for the very lowest income Nevadans. We have just 19 
units for every 100 that we need.
  Eviction isn't just a matter of spending a few days scrambling to 
find a new place. The financial consequences can follow families for 
years, and as for the effects on children's physical and mental health, 
well, there is no way to undo that.
  Believe me. I know. The foreclosure crisis hit Nevada in 2008, and I 
saw up close the pain that caused throughout my State when people were 
evicted from their homes. Lenders took the homes of more than 219,000 
Nevada families during that period of time. That is why it is so vital 
that we pass legislation now to help Nevadans and people all across the 
country pay their rent and utility bills when they cannot safely go to 
work.
  I support Senator Brown's Emergency Rental Assistance and Rental 
Market Stabilization Act, as well as other bills introduced by my 
colleagues to keep homeowners in their homes. These bills provide 
essential stability to the rental and mortgage market.
  We can't expect landlords to keep shouldering the burden of missed 
payments. Landlords have bills to pay, as well--mortgages, taxes, 
insurance, and staff. Without assistance from us, many of them may go 
bankrupt or can be forced to sell their properties.
  Experts estimate that Nevada is going to need nearly $1 billion in 
rental assistance to keep families housed this year. Landlords can't 
lift the load and neither can State budgets that are already stretched 
too thin.
  So let's focus here on the essentials, the basic need for things like 
shelter. Let's keep people safe and off the streets. Let's pass Senator 
Brown's rental assistance bill, Senator Reed's housing assistance fund 
bill to help homeowners avoid foreclosure, and Senator Menendez's 
housing counseling bill, and the others we need to prevent an epidemic 
of homelessness.
  Across the Nation people are responding to the pandemic by staying at 
home because we asked them to do so. Now the Senate needs to do its 
part by making sure those homes are safe and stable so that Nevadans 
can continue to teach their children, care for loved ones who are ill, 
and avoid spreading coronavirus to others. In the midst of a global 
pandemic, housing is healthcare, and we owe this to each other. So 
let's act now on behalf of the American public and American families.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island
  Mr. REED. Madam President, I rise to support efforts by my Democratic 
colleagues to pass much needed and delayed economic measures by 
unanimous consent.
  It is painfully obvious that the economy is in bad shape. Families 
and small businesses continue to struggle and there is a real need for 
further Federal assistance. In order to get our economy back on track, 
this body must take action in crafting another comprehensive, 
bipartisan COVID relief package, and it must include additional help 
for families and communities including eviction and foreclosure 
prevention assistance, as well as additional help for State and local 
governments.
  Last night the Senate unanimously extended the PPP application 
window. This was a tiny but needed step in recognizing the depth of the 
economic crisis Americans are facing. Now the question before us is, 
will Republican leaders allow this body to work its will and provide 
needed, targeted, and effective rescue assistance, or will it continue 
to delay and deny assistance which will only prolong the pandemic, 
deepen the financial hole, and make the remedy costlier and recovery 
steeper?
  Strong State and local governments are critical to our economy. 
Indeed, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, State 
and local governments provide about 20 million jobs and contributed 8.5 
percent to the national GDP in 2019. They did so by not only serving as 
customers and clients for our local and national businesses, but also 
by providing the essential services, such as public infrastructure, a 
strong education system, and other necessary functions that provide the 
business certainty that make our country attractive to businesses and 
investors throughout the world. We should do everything possible to 
maintain our country's comparative advantage relative to other 
countries.
  But today, as a result of the tremendous economic shock created by 
the coronavirus and the lack of a coherent public health strategy from 
the Trump administration, estimated State revenue shortfalls will total 
about $615 billion over the next 3 fiscal years, not including the 
added costs of fighting COVID-19. This is just for the States--$615 
billion.
  This is why I initially fought for $750 billion in the Coronavirus 
Relief Fund when negotiating the CARES Act and introduced S. 3671, the 
State & Local Emergency Stabilization Fund Act, which would provide an 
additional $600 billion to State and local governments to supplement 
the $150 billion in coronavirus relief funds I secured in the CARES 
Act.
  Madam President, would it surprise you to learn that the Trump 
Treasury Department has needlessly created a bureaucratic regulation 
that makes it difficult for States to use these coronavirus relief 
funds? And that this regulation is standing in the way of what should 
have been an immediate $150 billion boost to our economy, which even 
the Chamber of Commerce thinks is burdensome. Because of this onerous 
Trump rule, States can't use the coronavirus relief funds to replace 
lost or delayed tax revenues in order to maintain public services.
  That is what Neil Bradley, the U.S. Chamber's chief policy officer 
said in an interview, ``Part of our conversation with Republicans on 
Capitol Hill is

[[Page S4113]]

that, ironically, if your concern is big State government, then the 
last thing you need to do is force States to replace one-time lost 
revenue with permanent tax increases.''
  As the primary author of the Coronavirus Relief Fund, I can tell you 
that it is fully within the Treasury Secretary's authority and the 
intent of the CARES Act for these funds to be used to replace lost or 
delayed tax revenues and maintain public services. To prevent the 
flexible use of these relief funds is a choice that is neither required 
nor intended by law.
  Unfortunately, this completely unnecessary choice has already created 
avoidable economic harm.
  Since February, State and local governments have cut a total of 1.5 
million jobs, an 8-percent drop that is twice the decline seen during 
and after the 2007-2009 recession. In addition, the Center for Economic 
and Policy Research reports that ``job losses forced on State and local 
governments by pandemic-related shortfalls will disproportionately 
impact the African American workforce . . . 14 percent of state and 
local employees were African American compared to 11.7 percent of 
private sector employees, a margin of 20 percent.''
  As the Wall Street Journal reported in a May 24, 2020, article titled 
``State and Local Budget Woes Create Drag for Economic Recovery 
Prospects":

       Based on evidence from the last recession, Mr. Chodorow-
     Reich, a Harvard economics professor, estimates that every 
     dollar in cuts costs the economy $1.50 to $2. He also said 
     every additional dollar in spending adds $1.50 to $2 to the 
     economy.

  Of all the regulations that this administration seeks to cut, it 
should start with this one if it really wants a healthy economy. With 
just one stroke of the Treasury Secretary's pen, our economy can 
receive a direct multibillion dollar jolt today.

  But to be clear, this administrative fix is by no means sufficient 
because of the massive revenue shortfalls our State and local 
governments are facing. Congress still needs to provide additional and 
flexible fiscal relief to our State and local governments as part of 
its next fiscal package, and it is my hope that S. 3671, the State & 
Local Stabilization Fund Act, is included.
  As I indicated earlier in my remarks, keeping families in their homes 
also must be included in the next package.
  According to Nicholas Chiumenti, with the New England Public Policy 
Center in the research department at the Federal Reserve Bank of 
Boston:

       If current economic activity does not improve 
     substantially, without an extension of the CARES Act, 
     unemployment insurance or additional stimulus money or other 
     fiscal relief, up to 13 percent of homeowners and 33 percent 
     of renters in Rhode Island are at the risk of being unable to 
     pay their mortgage or rent payments. This represents over 
     80,000 Rhode Island households.

  Nationally, according to census survey data, 23 percent of all adults 
reported being housing insecure in mid-June, meaning that they had 
missed last month's rent or mortgage payment or had slight or no 
confidence that their household could pay next month's rent or mortgage 
on time.
  We know that behind each one of these numbers is a family that can be 
homeless at the worst possible time in the middle of a public health 
emergency.
  For some, given their current health situations and age, there will 
be an additional human toll that we surely should strive to avoid. We 
implore our colleagues on the other side of the aisle to work with us 
to keep our constituents in their homes so that they too can make it to 
the other side of this public health emergency.
  In that spirit, I draw your attention to S. 3620, the Housing 
Assistance Fund. This legislation expands the existing ``Hardest Hit 
Fund'' model and provides it with additional resources for each State 
to keep families in their homes, the utilities on, the internet 
connected, and the property taxes paid. As a result, landlords who are 
also struggling to pay their own bills would receive some assistance.
  Madam President, it is not every day that the Independent Community 
Bankers of America and the Credit Union National Association support 
the same legislation with consumer rights and affordable housing 
organizations, such as the National Housing Conference, the National 
Low Income Housing Coalition, the Center for Responsible Lending, and 
the National Consumer Law Center, among others. As we work toward this 
next fiscal relief package, I hope you and our colleagues will consider 
joining with us in enacting S. 3620, the Housing Assistance Fund.
  But we can't stop there. We must also immediately, among other needs, 
increase SNAP benefits to help the almost 150,000 Rhode Islanders who 
are food insecure during this crisis; boost public health efforts to 
help keep the virus at bay, from more testing and contact tracing to 
supporting our healthcare providers, to developing effective vaccine 
deployment systems; help childcare centers, public schools, and college 
campuses to safely reopen and support libraries in keeping our 
communities connected; provide relief for the hardest hit small and 
mid-sized businesses, many of which will continue to be shut down for 
the foreseeable future; and safeguard our election infrastructure, as 
Russia and other foreign actors seek again to use voter suppression, 
hacking, and disinformation in the 2020 elections.
  What exactly are we waiting for? Is it not enough that, according to 
a June 29 CNBC article, ``the employment-population ratio--the number 
of employed people as a percentage of the U.S. adult population--
plunged to 52.8 percent in May, meaning 47.2 percent of Americans are 
jobless, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics?
  Is it not enough that 46 percent of Business Roundtable CEOs expect 
employment at their companies to decrease in the next 6 months?
  We don't need to inflict any further unnecessary economic pain and 
suffering. I would also urge my colleagues to consider the costs of 
inaction.
  Indeed, during an April 29, 2020, press conference, Federal Reserve 
Chairman Powell stated:

       I have long-time been an advocate for the need for the 
     United States to return to a sustainable path from a fiscal 
     perspective at the Federal level. We have not been on such a 
     path for some time, which . . . just means that the debt is 
     growing faster than the economy.
       This is not the time to act on those concerns. This is the 
     time to use the great fiscal power of the United States to do 
     what we can to support the economy and try to get through 
     this with as little damage to the longer-run productive 
     capacity of the economy as possible.

  This week we are also considering the National Defense Authorization 
Act, and every year for the last 59 years, Democrats and Republicans 
have come together to strengthen our national security and to help all 
Americans. We have proven that we are more than capable of working 
together productively on the most complex and controversial issues in 
service of our constituents, and we would like to continue that not 
just in the context of national defense but in the context of economic 
prosperity and security.
  One final point. We also need to extend unemployment compensation 
insurance because we know it will run out, and everyone has told us 
that unemployment rates will not drop dramatically. They will stay 
persistently high. People will need this assistance going forward.
  We must do more, and I hope we can do much more going forward.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cramer). The Senator from Oklahoma.
  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I have a motion to be made, but before 
making it, I yield 3 minutes each to Senator Klobuchar from Minnesota 
and Senator Schatz from Hawaii.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
  Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I thank Senator Inhofe so much for his 
allowing me to say a few words. I know it is his time. And I thank my 
friend Jack Reed.
  Today is July 1, which means that rent and mortgage payments are due, 
and as I speak today, so many families across this country are being 
forced to make the difficult decision about how they will make this 
month's payment to stay in their homes.
  Even before the pandemic began, almost one-fourth of all renters, or 
11 million households, were forced to pay more than half of their 
income for housing--half of their income. According to the National Low 
Income Housing Coalition, more than half a million people experienced 
homelessness on a

[[Page S4114]]

given night before the pandemic, and that has just gotten worse.
  That is why I am a strong supporter of Senator Brown's Emergency 
Rental Assistance and Rental Market Stabilization Act, which will 
provide $100 billion in emergency funding. I am also proud to support 
Senator Reed's bill as well as the work of Senator Menendez.
  The pandemic, as we know, has wide and longstanding racial 
disparities in housing. We had a 30-percent gap in Black and White 
ownership rates before the pandemic due to discriminatory practices, 
and it has only made it worse.
  St. Paul Mayor Melvin Carter, a leader and a good friend, has 
repeatedly reminded us that this means investing in programs like 
section 8 housing, which still remains unavailable to so many families.
  Yes, we need to address this shortage of affordable housing. We need 
to take action now. I thank my colleagues. We have an opportunity. The 
Fourth of July is at the beginning of July, but by the end of July, we 
had better have gotten something done, and that means help our State 
and local governments; that means funding for elections; and that means 
making sure we are responding to the crisis in housing.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii
  Mr. SCHATZ. Mr. President, today is the 1st of the month, and that 
means the rent is due, but for the 9 million renters who have lost 
their jobs, they may not be able to pay.
  Now, in March, we made sure that the CARES Act included cash 
assistance, unemployment benefits, and suspensions on evictions and 
mortgage forbearance to help the people who have been hurt the most by 
this pandemic. Lots of States and counties have set up their own 
programs, either subsidies or prohibitions on evictions themselves, but 
we are now 3 months later, and unemployment benefits stand to expire at 
the end of this month and moratoriums that allowed families to stay in 
their homes are ending. Eviction courts are reopening. Think about 
that. Eviction courts are reopening.
  So what we are facing is a ticking timebomb. We are facing the fact 
that it is true that people got forbearance on their rent or 
forbearance on their mortgage, but I remember very well in March and 
April, as I explained to the people of Hawaii, you are getting 
forbearance not forgiveness, which means you just simply don't have to 
pay your mortgage or your rent this month. You do have to eventually 
pay your mortgage or your rent.
  So what is going to happen is, for the most economically challenged 
among us in the United States, they are going to face a huge 
backpayment at the beginning of August or the beginning of September, 
and they are going to lose the place they live in.
  Now, I am very, very hopeful that cooler heads will prevail and that 
we will intervene in July and incorporate the legislation Senator Brown 
is leading because the rent is going to be due, and we are going to--
just as we faced this pandemic square in the eyes, we are going to be 
facing a massive eviction crisis. We have to take action.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma.
  Mr. Inhofe. Mr. President, while we continue negotiating an agreement 
on amendments, I think we need to move forward and start voting on some 
of the amendments we know need votes.
  Therefore, in just a minute, I will call up the Paul amendment 
regarding the withdrawing of troops from Afghanistan. While I disagree 
with the substance of the amendment, I think the Senate should vote on 
it. So, at 5:30 today, I will move to table the amendment. We have 
talked to Senator Paul's office about this.


                           Amendment No. 2011

  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I call up the Paul amendment No. 2011 to 
the text proposed to be stricken.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. INHOFE], for Mr. Paul, 
     proposes an amendment numbered 2011.

  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading 
be dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows

 (Purpose: To withdraw all United States Armed Forces from Afghanistan)

       At the end of subtitle B of title XII, add the following:

     SEC. 1216. WITHDRAWAL OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES FROM 
                   AFGHANISTAN.

       (a) Findings.--Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) The Joint Resolution to authorize the use of United 
     States Armed Forces against those responsible for the attacks 
     launched against the United States (Public Law 107-40) 
     states, ``That the President is authorized to use all 
     necessary and appropriate force against those nations, 
     organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, 
     committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on 
     September 11, 2001''.
       (2) Since 2001, more than 3,002,635 men and women of the 
     United States Armed Forces have deployed in support of the 
     Global War on Terrorism, with more than 1,400,000 of them 
     deploying more than once, and these Americans who volunteered 
     in a time of war have served their country honorably and with 
     distinction.
       (3) In November 2009 there were fewer than 100 Al-Qaeda 
     members remaining in Afghanistan.
       (4) On May 2, 2011, Osama Bin Laden, the founder of Al-
     Qaeda, was killed by United States Armed Forces in Pakistan.
       (5) United States Armed Forces have successfully routed Al-
     Qaeda from the battlefield in Afghanistan, thus fulfilling 
     the original intent of Public Law 107-40 and the 
     justification for the invasion of Afghanistan, but public 
     support for United States continued presence in Afghanistan 
     has waned in recent years.
       (6) An October 2018 poll found that 57 percent of 
     Americans, including 69 percent of United States veterans, 
     believe that all United States troops should be removed from 
     Afghanistan.
       (7) In June 2018, the Department of Defense reported, ``The 
     al-Qa'ida threat to the United States and its allies and 
     partners has decreased and the few remaining al-Qa'ida core 
     members are focused on their own survival''.
       (b) Plan Required.--Not later than 45 days after the date 
     of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense, or 
     designee, in cooperation with the heads of all other relevant 
     Federal agencies involved in the conflict in Afghanistan 
     shall--
       (1)(A) formulate a plan for the orderly drawdown and 
     withdrawal of all soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines from 
     Afghanistan who were involved in operations intended to 
     provide security to the people of Afghanistan, including 
     policing action, or military actions against paramilitary 
     organizations inside Afghanistan, excluding members of the 
     military assigned to support United States embassies or 
     consulates, or intelligence operations authorized by 
     Congress; and
       (B) appear before the relevant congressional committees to 
     explain the proposed implementation of the plan formulated 
     under subparagraph (A); and
       (2)(A) formulate a framework for political reconciliation 
     and popular democratic elections independent of United States 
     involvement in Afghanistan, which may be used by the 
     Government of Afghanistan to ensure that any political party 
     that meets the requirements under Article 35 of the 
     Constitution of Afghanistan is permitted to participate in 
     general elections; and
       (B) appear before the relevant congressional committees to 
     explain the proposed implementation of the framework 
     formulated under subparagraph (A).
       (c) Removal and Bonuses.--Not later than 1 year after the 
     date of the enactment of this Act--
       (1) all United States Armed Forces in Afghanistan as of 
     such date of enactment shall be withdrawn and removed from 
     Afghanistan; and
       (2) the Secretary of Defense shall provide all members of 
     the United States Armed Forces who were deployed in support 
     of the Global War on Terror with a $2,500 bonus to recognize 
     that these Americans have served in the Global War On 
     Terrorism exclusively on a volunteer basis and to demonstrate 
     the heartfelt gratitude of our Nation.
       (d) Repeal of Authorization for Use of Military Force.--The 
     Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40) 
     is repealed effective on the earlier of--
       (1) the date that is 395 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act: or
       (2) the date on which the Secretary of Defense certifies 
     that all United States Armed Forces involved in operations or 
     military actions in Afghanistan (as described in subsection 
     (b)(1)(A)) have departed from Afghanistan.
  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, as I said earlier, I will move to table 
the Paul amendment at 5:30 today, and Senators should expect a rollcall 
vote at that time.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.

[[Page S4115]]

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                              Coronavirus

  Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, Congress has taken action in response to 
the coronavirus pandemic and its significant effects on workers, 
families, and the economy. It is because the State, Federal, and local 
governments shut down the U.S. economy for the first time in the 240-
year history of our country.
  We enacted four laws in March and April, which CBO says has increased 
the deficit by at least $2.4 trillion, but that doesn't measure the 
entirety of the relief. If you add in support from programs initiated 
by the Fed and the Treasury, you would add trillions more of relief.
  One of the recent pieces of legislation, the CARES Act, devoted $150 
billion of direct Federal relief to governments of the States, 
localities, territories, the District of Columbia, and Tribes. That is 
around 16 percent of the total fiscal year 2020 State general fund 
expenditures enacted prior to the public emergency.
  In addition to the $150 billion, CBO has identified hundreds of 
billions more from the various relief programs that are directed to 
State and local governments. From the $340 billion of emergency funding 
in the CARES Act alone, the Senate appropriators have told me that more 
than 80 percent, or roughly $275 billion, goes to States and 
localities.
  So, you can see, the CARES Act alone provided $150 billion of direct 
aid to State and local governments, and the emergency funding added 
$275 billion. That means that $425 billion in the CARES Act is directed 
to governments of the States, localities, territories, Tribes, and the 
District of Columbia. That happens to be 47 percent of the total State 
general revenue expenditures enacted prior to the public emergency for 
fiscal year 2020 and about the same percentage of enacted total State 
revenue.
  On top of that, the Fed has allowed use of municipal securities as 
collateral for bank lending to help ease borrowing costs for local and 
State governments. Treasury and the Fed also established a Municipal 
Liquidity Facility. The purpose of it is to ``help state and local 
governments better manage cash flow pressures.''
  The Fed will buy up to $500 billion of debt from State, counties, and 
cities. As others have noted here on this very floor, a significant 
amount of the funding directed to States and localities and the like 
are still in the pipeline and remain unspent or even unallocated. Some 
States, as I understand it, have not even allocated any money 
downstream to their own local governments from the $150 billion of 
direct aid provided under the CARES Act.
  Despite all that, we have heard a number of calls for massive amounts 
of additional spending. The reason, according to most people asking for 
more, is that the direct aid for States and localities in the CARES Act 
is too restrictive and cannot be used to replace lost revenue. I am 
sympathetic to the idea of giving States and localities more 
flexibility in how to use $150 billion of direct relief provided in the 
CARES Act if it is not needed for the virus health issues. Beyond that, 
I want you to know I am more skeptical, until we get more solid numbers 
on unrealized State and local revenue and the impact of the CARES 
dollars not yet allowed.
  I recently heard the minority leader here on the floor attempting to 
scold us Republicans for not doing exactly what he wants, exactly when 
he wants it, and saying we need to immediately spend more, including 
more direct aid to States. Of course, in his partisan political 
analysis, Republicans are blamed for not wanting massive amounts of 
additional aid for State and local governments because what he believes 
is ideological opposition to government in general.
  Now, that is quite a stretch, even for the minority leader. 
Republicans supported four pieces of legislation in recent months 
providing hundreds of billions of dollars in relief to State and local 
governments in various ways.
  I heard the Governor of California instruct Congress on moral and 
ethical grounds, saying that it is our duty to give more funding to 
States and localities or else first responders will be the first ones 
laid off by cities and counties. It is almost like the first argument 
when we were just about ready to shut down the Federal Government, if 
we don't finance everything, first thing we are going to do is shut 
down the Washington Monument.
  While that may have been a subtle threat from the Governor of 
California to use as leverage to pressure Congress to provide more 
funds to California, it is unfortunate that State and local governments 
laid off so many of their workers in recent months. That doesn't seem 
to be much dedication by government to its workforce.
  I heard from associations of Governors, associations of counties, 
cities, and other municipal governments that they need between a half a 
trillion and a trillion more in direct aid from the Federal 
Government. Usually, they cite a need to ``replace lost revenue.''

  Many have asked for funds to cover lost revenue as far out as two 
additional fiscal years beyond fiscal year 2020. Most of those requests 
are based on forecasts of what the pandemic and the economy will look 
like for the rest of the year and even in coming years.
  I think you have to take those forecasts with a grain of salt. Just 
look at what the last employment report looked like relative to the 
forecasts, and you can tell how cloudy people's crystal balls are right 
now.
  I heard from some here on the floor that Moody's thinks States and 
localities may need hundreds of billions more in direct relief. People 
haven't been very careful, though, in reading the Moody's reports that 
are the basis of their arguments.
  Moody's Analytics, which makes very clear in the report that it is 
not an arm of Moody's that rates bonds--though, I am not sure everyone 
is clear on that--Moody's Analytics said in April that under their most 
severely adverse assumptions about the future, State and local 
governments would have a budget shortfall of around $172 billion over 
the next 15 months and more than $450 billion if you extend out to 
cover the years 2022.
  Again, this is all based on shaky forecasts, and it is not at all 
clear that the ratings on municipal bonds done by the Moody's ratings 
agency align with the forecasts of Moody's Analytics.
  More recently, Moody's Analytics' chief economist, Mark Zandi, who is 
a regular proponent of Keynesian stimulus for the Democratic Party, 
upped the estimate of the needs to about $500 billion. That number 
remarkably matches what we heard from the National Governors 
Association about 6 weeks ago. Dr. Zandi promises so-called bang-for-
the-buck magic to save States and localities, but the government will 
have to pony up perhaps a half a trillion more just to start that 
magic. So I am skeptical, to put it mildly.
  If you remember, it was that kind of reasoning that led to the Obama 
stimulus promising vague and relatively quick unemployment deductions 
following the financial crisis but failed to come even close to these 
promised results.
  Finally, regarding funding requests, there is the Heroes Act over at 
the House. State and local aid in that act provides nearly $1 trillion 
to States and localities inside a liberal wish list in their bill.
  That, along with what we have already done, would put State and local 
relief at more than 75 percent of all combined State and local tax 
collections for a year, depending how you measure things. That is more 
of a Federal bailout than the partnership that we are asked to finance.
  I have heard a lot of calls for massive amounts of additional direct 
aid to our States, funded by Federal debt. Yet there still is a lot of 
money in the pipeline that hasn't even been used yet. And future needs 
of States and localities are highly uncertain--too uncertain, in my 
view--to commit the Federal Government today to half a trillion dollars 
or $1 trillion more to States and localities, on top of the $425 
billion or more of funding already in play and up to $500 billion of 
credit support.
  I am highly skeptical of schemes to index future aid to measures of 
the incidence of COVID-19 cases, since we already have had 
controversies surrounding those measures, and some of them are 
political controversies.
  Of course, I do understand budget rules that States and localities 
operate

[[Page S4116]]

under. They do provide constraints. I also believe that proponents of 
massive amounts of additional Federal aid to States and localities 
overstate the severity of those constraints. I think State budgets are 
more flexible and fungible, for example, than some would have us 
believe.
  We have seen that flexibility recently in legislators' consideration 
of altering police funding or using taxpayers' funds to erect barriers 
in occupied zones of lawlessness as just one example of that 
flexibility.
  There are also many issues about incentives associated with massive 
new amounts of direct Federal funding of State and local governments. 
Sending massive amounts of additional Federal funds to States that were 
responsible in good times and built up rainy day funds means that they 
are treated the same as States that didn't build much, if any, in rainy 
day funds, as I said, Illinois and New Jersey, for examples. Those 
States that acted irresponsibly then get rewarded.
  Since funds in State and local governments are fungible, sending 
massive amounts of additional Federal dollars to States and localities 
means that hard-earned Federal tax dollars coming from Iowa, as an 
example, can end up helping financially unsustainable pension promises 
of fiscally irresponsible States, and it means that Federal tax 
revenues get channeled to States run by politicians who will not even 
enforce existing Federal laws and who use taxpayer resources on lawless 
occupied zones or sanctuary cities to provide benefits to undocumented 
residents. There are many of my constituents in Iowa who do not support 
those uses of Federal funds.

  So, as I wind down here, I am highly skeptical of sending massive 
amounts of additional funds to States and localities, since future 
needs are so highly uncertain and there is still unspent money in the 
pipelines.
  I am, however, sympathetic to providing additional flexibility for 
funds we have already provided in the CARES Act so that State and local 
communities can make broader uses of those funds. And I believe that if 
the pandemic and the economy worsens, under those circumstances, future 
needs can be addressed when needed.
  I understand that there are a range of views regarding additional 
funds for States and localities. At this point, I believe it may be 
useful to entertain more flexibility in what has already been approved, 
and there may be a need to make sure that States get shares of money 
they have received to counties and cities. There may even be a reasoned 
case for limited additional funding to States and localities in the 
near term, although, as I said, I am a bit skeptical.
  But approving half a trillion dollars to $1 trillion of additional 
funds for uncertain future needs right now to cover unknown State and 
local needs as far out as 2 years down the road just isn't the 
responsible or prudent action to take.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to 
complete my remarks.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                           Amendment No. 2011

  Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, Senator Udall and I are pleased to present a 
bipartisan amendment that will finally end America's longest war. Our 
amendment will finally and completely end the war in Afghanistan.
  Over 4,000 Americans have died in Afghanistan, and over 20,000 have 
been wounded. It is time to bring our soldiers home.
  I supported going into Afghanistan originally. Had I been in Congress 
at that time, I would have voted in favor of it. But the people who 
attacked us on 9/11 have all been killed or captured. Most of the 
people fighting us today are their successors or children or the 
children of their children. In fact, we now have soldiers who were born 
after 9/11 serving in Afghanistan.
  The cycle shows no sign of ending. The war shows no sign of ending. 
It is not sustainable to keep fighting in Afghanistan generation after 
generation. We have been fighting in Afghanistan for so long that our 
youngest soldiers fighting there weren't even born at the time.
  We have spent about $1 trillion to establish an Afghan Government--a 
government that is rife with corruption and dysfunction. We spent more 
to rebuild Afghanistan than the Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe after 
World War II. We have built infrastructure in Afghanistan and then 
watched it deteriorate and watched the Afghans be unable to even 
maintain the infrastructure we built for them, and then they ask us for 
more money to maintain the structure. Meanwhile, our roads and our 
bridges crumble here at home as we rebuild the infrastructure in 
Afghanistan.
  One example is, several years ago, we reportedly hired a local 
security consultant to help secure the roads at a cost of $1 million 
per year. But according to the report by the Special Inspector General 
for Afghanistan Reconstruction, American officials came to suspect that 
the money was being funneled to insurgents to stage attacks on our 
infrastructure to justify the security contract. So our money was going 
to a guy who was paying insurgents to pretend to attack him so he could 
provide security for their infrastructure. It is crazy.
  We spent $43 million on a natural gas gas station. Guess how many 
vehicles in Afghanistan run on natural gas. Zero. You can't even find 
the gas station. My staff went there to see if the money had been 
spent, and they couldn't go there because it was too unsafe. Now the 
report is that the gas station has been abandoned--$43 million.
  We spent nearly $80 million on a luxury hotel. Why is the American 
taxpayer building luxury hotels in Kabul? Guess what. A contractor ran 
off with the money. It is a skeleton. The Taliban are now said to climb 
up into the structure and shoot down at our Embassy. What kind of 
foolhardy nature of government are we that we continue to stay there?
  These are just a few of the many examples that have had us spend more 
than we spent in Europe on the Marshall Plan.
  We continue to pour good money after bad into Afghanistan, hoping 
that the outcome will somehow change, hoping that maybe the first 20 
years will produce better results than the last 20 years did.
  This NDAA, this defense authorization that we are debating here in 
the Senate, even has the sense of the Senate in it opposing a 
precipitous withdrawal from Afghanistan. We have been there for 20 
years. How can we characterize withdrawal after 20 years, after we 
defeated the enemy, as precipitous? It is crazy. The American people 
say ``Come home,'' and this is your chance.
  Many people have said that we should end the war. Today, you get to 
vote. Are you for staying in Afghanistan for another generation? Are 
you for continuing a war that has lost its purpose? Today, we get to 
vote up or down: Are you for the war or against the war? Does the war 
still have a mission?
  The American people know better. They are ready to declare victory 
and come home. It is why President Trump's message resonated with so 
many. He said ``It is time to come home,'' and the people agreed.
  Not only is it time to end the war and focus on our needs at home, 
but it is time to reward those who fought the battle. We are spending 
$50 billion a year over there.
  From the savings in the first year, in our amendment, Senator Udall 
and I will provide a $2,500 bonus for anyone who has been deployed in 
the long War on Terror. That is a pretty good bonus. Our soldiers 
deserve it, and they also deserve to come home because there is no 
military mission left.
  Instead of spending another $50 billion in Afghanistan next year, 
let's give some of that money to our soldiers who fought the war, and 
let's begin saving some money from the massive deficit we face here at 
home.
  This is the Senate's chance to show that it is time to declare 
victory. It is time to come home.
  I urge support for my amendment, and I also remind Senators this is 
your chance to vote to end a war.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
  Mr. UDALL. Mr. President, I thank you for the recognition, and I 
thank Senator Inhofe. I talked to him.

[[Page S4117]]

  I would ask unanimous consent, as Senator Paul did, to complete my 
remarks and unanimous consent to complete my remarks right here on the 
floor before we have the vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. UDALL. Mr. President, I am a strong supporter of the AFGHAN 
Service Act, which I introduced with Senator Paul.
  It has been nearly 19 years since the United States entered this war 
in Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks, and we have had several 
Presidents--one a Democrat, one a Republican--say they want to end this 
war. They announced: We don't want endless wars. We want to end this 
war.
  Our current President has said he wanted to do this for the last 3\1/
2\ years. He hasn't gotten it done. President Obama wanted to end it.
  This is the way--the responsible way--to end this war. We give a year 
timeframe. We make absolutely clear we are not against our American 
soldiers. We give them a bonus, and we say: You have done a good job.
  So don't listen to the distortions that will be talked about what 
this amendment is about.
  We have soldiers who are heading to fight in this war who weren't 
even born when it began, and most of the soldiers I have talked to who 
have come home from Afghanistan believe we should be out of there. That 
is one of the most persuasive things I have seen. Several of those 
soldiers have been elected to the U.S. Congress and have spoken up 
very, very strongly about continuing our war in Afghanistan.
  It has been nearly 10 years since I first came to the Senate floor in 
2010 to call for the withdrawal of U.S. combat forces from Afghanistan. 
We have accomplished our goal of routing al-Qaida and killing Osama Bin 
Laden. Those were two of the big things that were talked about 
originally when President Bush went in and basically said: We have 
these short-term objectives, we are going to get them achieved, and 
then we are going to be out.
  We have achieved those objectives. There is no reason for delay and 
to continue this endless war. The longer we stay with an ill-defined 
mission, the greater the risk of a wider war in the region. Believe me, 
I listen to people back home. They don't want a wider war. They want us 
to bring our troops home.
  The recent news that has gripped the Capitol only underscores that 
our men and women in Afghanistan remain in harm's way. They should be 
brought home and focus on our core national security.
  After 19 years of war, peace in Afghanistan will need to come from 
negotiation, and the United States can and should continue to play a 
role in those diplomatic efforts.
  This legislation ends the U.S. involvement in the war in a 
responsible way, with a yearlong timeframe. It also sunsets the 9/11 
AUMF, which has been stretched beyond recognition to justify wars we 
never considered.
  Even to this day, some in this administration envision using the 2001 
AUMF to justify a war with Iran rather than actually standing on the 
floor and introducing a proposal, as required by the Constitution to 
get in a war, as is Congress's authority.
  On the AUMF, this isn't something sudden either; it would give 
Congress a year to consider a new AUMF, if needed.
  It is long past time for Congress to make the difficult decision and 
stop ducking the votes on whether to send our troops into harm's way.
  Finally, this amendment rewards the veterans of these wars. We owe a 
lot more to them, but this is a start.
  I hope you will join me in supporting the end of the U.S. war in 
Afghanistan and support the restoration of congressional war-making 
authority and vote against tabling this amendment. This amendment 
deserves an up-or-down vote, not a tabling vote, so vote no to tabling 
this amendment. I say this in great respect to Senator Inhofe, and I 
know that Senator Inhofe has been very courteous in terms of the time.
  At this point, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma.


                            Motion to Table

  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, there is another side to this story, and I 
think, when you hear those promoting this particular amendment, it is 
one we all agree--we want an end to the war. We want this to happen. 
But there are some other reasons that this probably is not the best way 
to do it.
  First of all, the amendment directs a calendar-based withdrawal from 
Afghanistan rather than a conditions-based. We have talked about this 
quite often. It is something that you can't just say ``It is going to 
happen by this date'' but, rather, under these certain circumstances.
  It undermines peace negotiations and the Trump administration's 
Afghan strategy. He has talked about that publicly. I think a lot of 
people agree with that. I do.
  It would also undermine the February 2020 U.S. agreement with the 
Taliban that tries to map out a path to peace. According to the plan, 
U.S. forces' reductions must be tied to Taliban counterterrorism 
commitments. That is part of the plan.
  Repealing it--the 2001 authorization for use of military force--would 
undermine the authority of the President of the United States for 
countering terrorists in Afghanistan but also would undermine the GITMO 
detention and other global counterterrorist efforts.
  The DOD and the White House would oppose this because it removes an 
authority for using military force and would significantly undermine 
counterterrorism authority.
  So I move to table the Paul amendment No. 2011, and I ask for the 
yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The question is on agreeing to the motion.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Burr), 
the Senator from Wyoming (Mr. Enzi), the Senator from Mississippi (Mrs. 
Hyde-Smith), and the Senator from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski).
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. 
Markey), and the Senator from Washington (Mrs. Murray) are necessarily 
absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote or change their vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 60, nays 33, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 129 Leg.]

                                YEAS--60

     Alexander
     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Blumenthal
     Boozman
     Capito
     Carper
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Coons
     Cornyn
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Ernst
     Feinstein
     Fischer
     Gardner
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hassan
     Hawley
     Hoeven
     Inhofe
     Johnson
     Jones
     Kennedy
     King
     Lankford
     Loeffler
     Manchin
     McConnell
     McSally
     Menendez
     Moran
     Murphy
     Perdue
     Portman
     Reed
     Risch
     Roberts
     Romney
     Rosen
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sasse
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shaheen
     Shelby
     Sinema
     Sullivan
     Thune
     Tillis
     Toomey
     Warner
     Whitehouse
     Wicker
     Young

                                NAYS--33

     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Booker
     Braun
     Brown
     Cantwell
     Cardin
     Casey
     Cortez Masto
     Daines
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Gillibrand
     Harris
     Heinrich
     Hirono
     Kaine
     Klobuchar
     Leahy
     Lee
     Merkley
     Paul
     Peters
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Udall
     Van Hollen
     Warren
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--7

     Blunt
     Burr
     Enzi
     Hyde-Smith
     Markey
     Murkowski
     Murray
  The motion to table was agreed to; the amendment was tabled.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.


        COVID-19 International Response and Recovery Act of 2020

  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to speak to S. 3669, the COVID-19 
International Response and Recovery Act of 2020.
  As of this weekend, there are an estimated 10 million confirmed cases 
of COVID-19 worldwide. More than 2.5 million of those cases are right 
here in the United States. The disease has claimed over 125,000 
American lives.
  For anyone who questioned why we should care about what happens 
elsewhere in the world, this pandemic has certainly been most assuredly 
a wake-

[[Page S4118]]

up call. The virus didn't start here, but it came here and Americans 
are now suffering from the effects of an epidemic that shows no signs 
of stopping.
  Even if we bring it under control in the United States, in the 
absence of U.S. leadership for a truly global response, the virus can 
and will return. We cannot safeguard American lives without one, but we 
cannot lead or even meaningfully participate in a global response when 
we don't have a coherent and effective domestic strategy.
  The President's desperate denial, his refusal to take this pandemic 
seriously, and his seeming inability to care about the health and well-
being of all Americans are as shocking as they are dangerous.
  As opposed to a pandemic response strategy, the White House seems to 
have a dangerous public relations strategy focused on perpetuating a 
false narrative that insists the pandemic is almost over, blames China 
and the World Health Organization for its own preparedness and response 
failures, overstates the administration's domestic and international 
response, and refuses to be candid with Congress and the American 
people about the consequences of its irresponsible actions.
  Make no mistake, contrary to what the White House would have us 
believe, the COVID-19 threat is far from over. As Dr. Anthony Fauci 
testified, it is a lack of serious response--not as some in the White 
House would have us believe, more tests--that is leading to the 
skyrocketing case numbers and hospitalization rates we are seeing 
today.
  Unfortunately, the haphazardness that has characterized the White 
House's response at home has also shaped its response abroad.
  Secretary Pompeo is right. The American people are the most generous 
on the planet, but that belies this administration's actual response. 
The reality is that when it comes to discussions about what it is doing 
to end the pandemic globally, the administration is trumpeting programs 
it has spent 3 years consistently and aggressively cutting, which 
explains perfectly why Secretary Pompeo, to this day, refuses to come 
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to defend his proposed 
fiscal year 2021 budget.
  America, the world needs a strategy to end this pandemic, not a PR 
blitz to cover inaction. The blame game will not help us either. Yet, 
instead of taking care of the business at hand, the administration is 
channeling its energy toward fault finding and divisive, racially 
inflammatory rhetoric.
  First, the White House tried to say that the U.S. epidemic was the 
World Health Organization's fault, despite the fact that the United 
States was regularly communicating with and receiving information from 
the WHO, including through U.S. Government employees embedded at the 
WHO headquarters in Geneva.
  In May, the administration announced a 30-day plan to review the 
organization's handling of the pandemic response. But less than 2 weeks 
after it announced that sham review, the President said he was going to 
withdraw from the organization--so much for the 30-day review.
  Next, the administration doubled down on blaming China. The 
President, the Secretary of State, and the Deputy Administrator of 
USAID have all used racially stigmatizing language to describe COVID-
19, in direct contradiction to guidance issued by our own Centers for 
Disease Control and Prevention. And the insistence that the rest of the 
world agree to use such language has prevented us from reaching 
consensus on statements at the G-7 and in the U.N. Security Council and 
seriously weakened our standing.
  If this administration is truly concerned about China's malign intent 
at the WHO and elsewhere, there is a simple answer: Take action. If the 
United States leads, others will follow. If we leave the field open, 
others, like China, will step into the vacuum.
  Isolationist, go-it-alone tactics are not the way to end a pandemic. 
At a time when the United States should be leading the global response 
to one of the greatest threats we face in the 21st century--and this 
pandemic will, most certainly, not be our last--I have to wonder if, 
instead, what we are witnessing is the death of American leadership and 
the end of American exceptionalism, brought about by the inattention 
and ineptitude of the Trump administration, both here and abroad
  Meanwhile, the rest of the world is stepping up and stepping past us. 
For example, when Chinese President Xi Jinping addressed the World 
Health Assembly in May, he pledged $2 billion over 2 years to combat 
COVID-19. Secretary Azar used the opportunity to attack the WHO and 
cast blame on China for the pandemic.
  The European Union held a pledging conference on vaccines in May, at 
which $8.2 billion was raised. The United States was invited to 
participate, but the White House declined the invitation. Is this what 
the President means by ``America first''?
  Well, if this EU consortium comes up with a vaccine before we do, it 
will mean America last, as we wait for them to share it with us.
  This approach is not only isolationist, shortsighted, and foolish; it 
is dangerous.
  It is clear that the administration's response is not keeping the 
American people safe, and it is just as clear that there are actions we 
can take to effectively respond to this pandemic and better prepare for 
future pandemics.
  Since the administration doesn't seem to have any ideas, Democrats on 
the Foreign Relations Committee introduced a bill to provide some. S. 
3669, the COVID-19 International Response and Recovery Act, or CIRRA, 
presents a clear strategy to confront the ongoing pandemic--the ongoing 
pandemic--and prepare the United States to deal with the next.
  It compels the Trump administration to constructively engage with 
other countries, international organizations, and multilateral fora to 
stop the spread of the coronavirus.
  Specifically, our bill authorizes an additional $9 billion in funding 
to fight the COVID-19 pandemic through contributions toward vaccine 
research at the Coalition for Preparedness and Innovations; a 
contribution to the Global Fund for Aids, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, 
for its COVID-19 response mechanism; additional funding for emergency 
overseas humanitarian assistance in response to the pandemic, ensuring 
that these funds are provided both to the U.N. for its global response 
plan, as well as directly to NGOs working on the frontlines; and a new 
surge financing authority at the U.S. International Development Finance 
Corporation, or DFC, that will allow the DFC to expedite decisions and 
make strategic investments quickly to aid in COVID-19 reconstruction 
efforts.
  CIRRA also puts in place mechanisms to help us prepare for the next 
pandemic. It requires an annual national intelligence estimate on 
pandemic threats, and it establishes a White House adviser for global 
health security to coordinate a whole-of-government U.S. response to 
global health security emergencies, aimed at improving both domestic 
and international capacity to prevent, respond, and detect epidemic and 
pandemic threats.
  It clearly delineates the roles for the State Department, USAID, and 
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in responding to 
pandemic threats, and it directs the U.S. Executive Director at the 
World Bank to begin negotiations to establish a trust fund at the World 
Bank designed not to compete with or supplant the World Health 
Organization but to work in tandem with the WHO on incentivizing 
countries to mobilize their own resources for epidemic and pandemic 
preparedness.
  Now, my Republican colleague on the Foreign Relations Committee 
finally did introduce a modest bill in response to the pandemic. In 
keeping with the Republican effort to pretend that the pandemic is 
over, it completely ignores the current crisis.
  Instead, it focuses on giving legislative cover to elite proposals 
from the White House that seem to strip essential pandemic response 
functions from USAID and put them in the State Department, and sets up 
a structure at the World Bank that would allow the White House to 
channel funding meant for the WHO into another multilateral mechanism.
  Colleagues, to say that that approach is inadequate to meet the 
crisis of the century would be so much of an understatement as to 
almost be a lie in and of itself. The chairman's legislation

[[Page S4119]]

completely ignores the current pandemic while setting us up for failure 
when we are confronted by the next pandemic. We quite simply must do 
better.
  More than 700 Americans a day are dying. Neither the finger-pointing, 
blame-game, race-baiting statements linked to the origins of the 
disease, nor a strategy centered on denial will win the battle against 
COVID-19.
  It is painfully apparently that Congress will have to lead in this 
effort, just as it led in domestic relief and recovery efforts. If we 
fail to develop a proposal that boldly and robustly addresses the 
current crisis, ensures that we are adequately prepared for the next 
one, and aids countries around the globe with recovery, we will have 
failed the American people and fallen painfully short of the legacy 
created through initiatives such as the President's Emergency Plan for 
AIDS Relief and the Marshall plan, to name a few.
  We must understand that there is a recent report that came out of a 
potential swine flu. Well, whether it is that or something else, we 
have the risk of the next pandemic. Our engagement globally is not just 
about being a good global citizen. It is about security and health here 
at home.
  When we can engage abroad to stop the flow of a virus, then, we 
ultimately achieve the success on behalf of the American people, and we 
leave the world with a better response. That is what we are seeking to 
do, and we will come back to the floor at the appropriate time to seek 
to move that legislation.


                  Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 5084

  Madam President, turning to a different topic for the moment, one 
that my colleague from Louisiana is also here to join me in--and I 
appreciate his being here--I come to the floor today, in addition to 
speaking about the COVID-19 international legislation, to seek 
unanimous consent on H.R. 5084, the Improving Corporate Governance 
Through Diversity Act of 2019.
  This is a bipartisan piece of legislation aimed at increasing 
transparency in America's corporate boardrooms and ultimately lead to 
greater diversity in the upper tiers of America's companies.
  We know that corporate America has a diversity problem. Boards and 
executive offices across the United States do not look like the 
customers they serve.
  Multiple studies, including my own, have demonstrated this hard fact. 
Since 2010, I have conducted four surveys focused on the Fortune 100 
companies looking into this problem. They had very big response rates, 
for which I am grateful to the companies who participated.
  My latest survey revealed that since 2010, women and people of color 
have made only marginal gains in representations on corporate boards. 
For example, in 2018, women held only 25 percent of corporate board 
seats on Fortune 100 companies. Despite making up over half of the 
entire U.S. population, they held only 25 percent of corporate board 
seats, and only 5.8 percent of that 25 percent were women of color. 
While men make up 75 percent of Fortune 100 corporate board seats, only 
13.7 percent of those are men of color.
  If we wanted to take a broader look, the picture is even bleaker. 
Latinos and Latinas make up 25 percent of the U.S. population, yet they 
held only 2.7 percent of corporate board seats in Fortune 100 
companies. I could go on, but I think I have made the point.
  I was originally hopeful that the Securities and Exchange Commission 
would help address this problem through its 2009 diversity disclosure 
rule, but the 2009 rule failed to even define diversity and gives 
companies far too much discretion on what they report. That is why I 
introduced a bill last year with Representative Meeks to improve the 
SEC rule.
  The bill does three main things. No. 1, it requires public companies 
to disclose specific information related to the racial, gender, ethnic 
makeup and veteran status of corporate boards and senior management--
simple disclosure. No. 2, it requires public companies to disclose 
whether they have policies in place to promote diversity in their 
leadership. No. 3, it requires the SEC to establish a diversity 
advisory group composed of government, academic, and private sector 
representatives to study strategies for increasing gender, racial, and 
ethnic diversity in corporate America.
  Let me be clear. The bill does not force companies to be more 
diverse, but it does require them to be more transparent about their 
numbers and their practices. That is valuable information that the 
public and potential investors should have when deciding where to put 
their money.
  The House passed this bill on a bipartisan vote in November, and it 
enjoys bipartisan support here in the Senate. It is supported by a 
fantastic coalition that includes the NAACP, the National Urban League, 
the Latino Corporate Directors Association, and the U.S. Chamber of 
Commerce.
  Corporate diversity is not just morally right; corporate diversity 
makes financial sense. McKinsey & Company studies have consistently 
found that greater diversity on executive teams has led to greater 
profitability. The need for increased corporate diversity is not an act 
of benevolence; it is a necessity for businesses looking to compete in 
a diverse 21st century economy.
  Before I proceed to my unanimous consent request, I would like to 
yield to Senator Kennedy for some remarks he has on this issue, and 
then I will proceed to that consent request.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana
  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, thank you to my colleague from New Jersey 
for yielding me some time.
  I sit on the Banking Committee with Senator Menendez, and it is my 
privilege. I have learned a lot from listening to him, along with our 
chairman, Senator Crapo.
  While convictions are important to us on the Banking Committee, so is 
data. I believe that as much as we can be, America is and should be a 
colorblind meritocracy. I believe in that.
  I also believe in data. I believe in facts. This is a data bill. This 
is a fact bill. This doesn't make anybody do anything except be 
transparent.
  This bill applies to public companies. Some may call them Wall Street 
companies, but they are spread throughout America. I make that point 
simply to reaffirm that this does not apply to small, publicly held 
companies we sometimes call Main Street businesses.
  This bill is endorsed by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. This fact and 
data bill passed overwhelmingly in the House with a bipartisan 
coalition, and as Senator Menendez eloquently pointed out, it simply 
requires public--usually large, but not always--publicly held 
corporations to report data with respect to their Board of Directors, 
nominees to the Board of Directors, and their executive officers.
  The data that these companies are being asked to report is data with 
respect to gender, data with respect to veteran status, data with 
respect to ethnicity, and data with respect to race to the extent that 
the board members, nominees, and the executive officers themselves 
report that data.
  Frankly, and I will end on this note, I was very surprised that we 
didn't have this data. In fact, when I first read Congressman Meeks' 
bill and Senator Menendez's bill, I thought: This can't be necessary; 
we must have this data at the Securities and Exchange Commission. We do 
not, but we will if this bill becomes law. For that reason, I rise in 
support of Congressman Meeks' legislation and Senator Menendez's 
legislation, and I support it.
  With that, I would yield to Senator Menendez.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I thank the Senator from Louisiana for his words and 
for his support, and I wish we had this already. It is not very 
difficult--transparency, information for which consumers can make 
decisions and investors can make decisions, and you would think in the 
21st Century, that is not a problem.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Banking, 
Housing, and Urban Affairs be discharged from further consideration and 
the Senate proceed to H.R. 5084; I further ask unanimous consent that 
the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion 
to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. LEE. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, the purpose of 
the Securities and Exchange Commission

[[Page S4120]]

is to protect investors and to maintain orderly and efficient markets. 
This bill would change that deal. It would change the entire premise of 
the SEC. It would use the SEC to pressure people to disclose personal 
information that has no connection to the financial health of the 
company, information that many people understandably, justifiably, and 
with really good reason prefer to keep private. Why? Because it is not 
the public's business; it is theirs.
  The bill requires businesses to probe the race, gender, ethnicity, 
and veteran status of not only those already on the senior payroll of 
their companies but also anyone who is even considered for those 
positions.
  Secondly, the free market already provides a way to achieve these 
goals. If investors prefer to invest in companies that have certain 
kinds of people on their boards and certain kinds of people in 
executive positions, then companies have a financial incentive to 
disclose that information. No one is stopping them from doing that. 
Many companies do, in fact, disclose that information. Many companies 
are already providing this information because their customers and 
their investors are demanding it.
  Government is neither omniscient nor omnipotent. It is not a deity. 
It is just force. It is just organized, collective official force. That 
is all it is. We should not use the heavy hand of government for things 
that the American people already have the opportunity to do on their 
own and in many, if not most, cases already are doing on their own.
  Finally, the bill co-ops Federal employees at the SEC to create a 
diversity advisory group of government bureaucrats and academics who 
would advise Congress on policies to increase ethnic and gender 
diversity on corporate boards.
  We already have a diversity advisory group. We already have it. It is 
the millions of Americans whom we represent. To think that bureaucrats 
at the SEC could inform Congress of the importance of inclusion and 
diversity better than the American people is wasteful, and to think 
that it is appropriate to vest in the SEC an entity designed to protect 
investors from fraudulent activities of those running these enterprises 
is just the wrong conception, not only of the SEC but of government in 
general.
  For these reasons, Mr. President, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. I am not surprised, but I am deeply disappointed that 
my colleague takes that position. First of all, the SEC has had a 
diversity rule since 2009. It has a diversity rule, but the diversity 
rule as they devised it doesn't do anything about transparency of 
information. So we are not creating something at the SEC that the SEC 
itself wasn't pursuing in the protection of investors
  If I were an investor, I would like to know whether a company is 
diverse or not. Latinos represent 25 percent of the population, the 
fastest growing, largest minority in the Nation. I would like to know 
if the money I am going to put into a stock--buying a stock of a 
company--does it reflect the understanding of that community in any 
way? African Americans--does it reflect that understanding? Does it 
reflect the understanding that 50 percent of the population are women?
  The free market--yes, the free market works on information. You make 
decisions in the free market based on information, but when the 
information is hidden from you, when you can't find out, in fact, what 
is the diversity of the corporate board, senior executive management, 
procurement and other things, then the free market doesn't work very 
well, does it?
  The heavy hand of government--oh, my God--to disclose, to be 
transparent--that is the heavy hand of government? When the government 
doesn't work to make our systems more transparent so that investors and 
consumers can make decisions, who will do that? The free market? I 
don't think so.
  The Senator from Utah, I know, has been very much an advocate of 
transparency in other matters; somehow, in this one, it seems to be a 
problem. And to protect investors--yes, we ought to protect investors 
because investors who would be making investments in a company that is 
devoid of African Americans, devoid of Latinos, devoid of the 
representation of who America is today may think twice about the large 
pension funds and other entities. They may say: Wait a minute. Maybe 
that is not the type of company I want to invest in.
  But the investor will not know that unless they have that 
information. I would think, in the 21st century, when we see the 
national debate that is taking place today on the questions of race, on 
questions of ethnicity and other things, we would want to at least have 
the data so that we can make intelligent decisions.
  By the way, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce--the Chamber of Commerce is 
normally not on my side. They came and testified specifically in 
support of this provision. They represent business in America, and they 
came forth and said: We believe that, in fact, this is good for 
business. If it weren't good for business, they wouldn't be there. They 
wouldn't be advocating for it.
  So we will succeed at this. We may not have done it today by this 
process, but we will succeed at this because the Nation requires it. It 
     is good accountability. It is good transparency. It is 
     good for the free market to know what the information is 
     so people can make decisions. It is certainly, at the end 
     of the day, about protecting investors. So I look forward 
     to making that happen at the appropriate time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. LEE. Mr. President, I have deep affection and adoration for my 
friend and colleague, the Senator from New Jersey. I do respectfully 
but strongly disagree with his position on this.
  He made the point several times that if he were acting as an 
investor, he would very much like to know the composition of a 
corporate board or an executive team within a corporation, which is 
great. A lot of people feel the same way. That isn't the question. No 
one is stopping a corporation from disclosing that information. In 
fact, a whole lot of corporations do.
  Some may not want to do that. Some might want to disclose some of 
this information but not all of it. Some might not want to be in a 
position of asking probing questions regarding the gender and ethnicity 
and race of their employees, understanding that it will then be 
disclosed to the public under the crushing force of Federal law.
  There are legitimate reasons why a company might not want to do that, 
some of which have to do with that company's own ability to treat its 
employees and its board members and its executive team with dignity and 
respect. In some circumstances, not everything is the government's 
business.
  Transparency, yes. It is absolutely something that I believe in. 
Transparency usually refers to what we need when it comes to government 
action. Transparency is what we demand when we require open public 
hearings when government does business. Transparency is what we require 
when we allow government documents to be made public and allow the 
public to see what the regulatory process is doing.
  Transparency doesn't mean that everything that everyone does in 
America that has a tie to economic activity is the public's business. 
The fact that it is publicly traded doesn't mean it is owned by the 
government.
  So the statement made by my colleague to the effect that when 
information is hidden from you, then the free market doesn't work very 
well--I don't understand what that means. If what he is suggesting is 
that it is hidden in violation of law, that is not the case. If what he 
is suggesting is that the free market can't punish those who refuse to 
disclose information about the boards and reward those who do, that is 
exactly what the free market does. The free market has every 
opportunity to work here. It is not as though nobody is providing this 
information, but it is not their business.
  As to the suggestion that because the Chamber of Commerce supports 
this, therefore it is pro-business, and because it is pro-business, we 
should all support it, I respectfully but strongly disagree. I know 
that as a Republican, I am supposed to automatically agree with what 
the Chamber of Commerce says. Sometimes I do, but, you know, a whole 
lot of the time, I don't.
  This goes back a long time. It goes back to the time when the U.S. 
Chamber of Commerce opposed a massive tax reform bill that was proposed 
by President Calvin Coolidge. I found some relief in the fantastic, 
eponymous book

[[Page S4121]]

``Coolidge'' about President Coolidge and his proposal of that reform--
a reform that, by the way, helped build America's middle class and 
resulted in explosive economic growth. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce 
opposed that reform.
  The U.S. Chamber of Commerce gets a lot of things wrong, and it is 
wrong here. This isn't the government's business. These businesses are 
not government. They can do what they want, and it is not our place to 
say otherwise
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I appreciate the intellectual exercise 
we are going through on the floor. I will just make two final comments 
because I know that my colleague is anxiously waiting to talk about the 
need for people to be able to put food on the table.
  Look, the Securities and Exchange Commission exists, yes, to protect 
investors and also the marketplace, but they make all types of demands 
upon the companies that are publicly traded in terms of disclosure of 
information, so I don't know what is so difficult about that.
  I will say this: The Nation will have a rude awakening if it thinks 
it can continue with business as usual--a rude awakening.
  Something as simple as simply knowing the information about diversity 
on corporate boards, which every study shows actually improves the 
bottom line and which investors should be able to have to make those 
decisions--and we are not talking about the employees; we are talking 
about the corporate board members, my God, the people who make billions 
of dollars of decisions, who ultimately decide whether they go to a 
community or don't go to a community to invest in, who ultimately get 
the dollars from the communities that I like to see represented. It is 
good enough to take our money, but it is not good enough to have us 
have any representation. And evidently this body is not even good 
enough to have the information so I know who is taking my money without 
representation. That cannot be. That cannot be the American way.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. LEE. Mr. President, as my distinguished friend and colleague from 
New Jersey says, the fact that they make all types of demands on 
publicly traded companies is not a substitute for an actual logical or 
legal argument as to why they are entitled to information that is not 
theirs--information these companies may or may not choose to collect 
because that is their business. It is not the government's business, 
and it sure as heck isn't the government.
  So the fact that they make all types of demands on publicly traded 
companies doesn't prove the point here. We have to remember something, 
and, yes, we have to remember it right now in this moment--not in spite 
of this moment but because of it. Government is for. We have seen the 
catastrophic consequences of people who lose sight of what government 
is for and what its limitations are.
  The fact is that we don't have access to angels, as James Madison 
described it in Federalist 51. If men were angels, we wouldn't have a 
need for government. If we had access to angels to run our government, 
we wouldn't need all these rules. But because we are not angels, we 
don't have access to them to run our government. We have to have rules, 
and there have to be limitations on what is and isn't the role of 
government.
  Now, look, there are all kinds of businesses that keep track of this 
information on the corporate board members and those considered for 
those positions and their executives and those considered for those 
positions. It is not our role to tell them the information they have to 
extract from each and every person they interview for those positions 
and demand that it be publicly disclosed. Why? Well, because, among 
other things, it is none of their darn business, and in many cases, it 
is none of ours. That is the business of the individual.
  We shouldn't be punishing companies, businesses, and hard-working 
Americans. Yes, some of them are rich, and a whole lot of them are not 
rich. We shouldn't be punishing them just because they don't happen to 
share our view of how they ought to be operating.
  I find it curious that he says over and over again that this is how 
they will be more successful and this is how they will make more money. 
It is not our place to decide. They are free to operate their business 
in a foolish way and in a way that might cost them money. It doesn't 
make it our place to decide this
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.


                       Unanimous Consent Request

  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today to be joined by my 
colleagues as well. I am very grateful to see the Senator from Ohio 
here.
  Thank you so much for being on the floor.
  Other colleagues will join to speak this evening on behalf of 
millions of American families who are struggling to make ends meet and 
feed their families at this incredibly challenging time.
  The COVID-19 crisis is taking a profound toll on our economy and the 
quality of life of millions of families. As businesses have closed and 
millions have lost their jobs, the number of people in need of food 
assistance has soared. Food banks have seen a 70-percent increase in 
demand--70 percent increase in demand. We have all seen the photos of 
lines of families in cars stretching on and on for miles, waiting in 
parking lots with moms and dads, trying to get food for their children. 
And even though donations have gone up--we are a generous people in 
this country--donations have gone up, but the need has far outpaced the 
funds that are available.
  As the pandemic swept across our Nation, one in five adults 
experienced food insecurity--one in five. More than 3 months later, 
even more Americans in every State are struggling to put food on the 
table. These are laid-off workers who lost their jobs due to the 
pandemic and aren't sure they will be able to find employment. Many of 
them need food assistance, and it is for the first time in their life 
that they need to ask for that help.
  These are single moms and dads who are worried about getting their 
kids fed before they even think about themselves.
  These are veterans who are willing to put their lives on the line for 
the country. Now they are struggling to find work and make rent and 
just need a little extra help getting the food they need to survive.
  These are senior citizens who are at high risk of COVID-19 and have 
had to make drastic changes to their day-to-day life just to stay safe.
  These are children who relied on school meals for breakfast and 
lunch, possibly after school as well, who have gotten used to the pain 
of an empty stomach since their school closed.
  To these people, hunger is not a partisan issue. It is not a 
political issue. For them, it is a daily reality that they face. For 
many of them, SNAP is the vital lifeline that keeps them fed in times 
of need, and today that need is even greater. If we are looking at the 
direction of COVID-19 and what is happening across the country, I am 
concerned, but I think it is realistic to say that the need is going to 
go even higher.
  In any crisis, it is just common sense to make sure affected families 
have their basic needs met. When I think of my friend from Ohio, who is 
our champion on housing--we talked about housing as being a basic need. 
I don't know anything more basic than a roof over your head and food on 
the table. Food and housing are pretty basic. We would all suggest that 
those are things that you start with and that you want for yourself and 
your family.
  When people's lives are turned upside down through no fault of their 
own, Americans come together to provide a temporary safety net to help 
them get back on their feet. That is what the Supplemental Nutrition 
Assistance Program is, SNAP. It is not there for when folks don't need 
it; it is there for when they do need it.
  During every past disaster, we have acted to make sure, as Americans, 
that people don't go hungry. On a bipartisan basis, we have increased 
SNAP benefits when families are in need and in cases of natural and 
economic disasters, like after the 2008 financial crisis.
  I do note that my dear friend, the chairman of the Ag Committee--who 
I

[[Page S4122]]

think is on a different side of what we are going to be asking for 
tonight--he and I have come together over and over again on a 
bipartisan basis and will continue to do that to work together on these 
issues.
  We provide additional help to people in need. That is the first thing 
we do. Yet we know that increasing SNAP benefits, in addition to 
helping people in need, should be No. 1. Put people first--that should 
be No. 1.
  The great news with SNAP is that it also boosts the economy. This is 
a twofer. According to the USDA, SNAP is one of the best investments we 
can make. For every dollar we put into SNAP benefits, when somebody 
walks into the grocery store and buys food, we see roughly $1.70 more 
in the economy. It is the most efficient way to help farmers and to 
help the food industry, is to allow people to have money to buy food 
for themselves and their kids and for their parents.
  We know that every additional billion dollars in SNAP supports nearly 
14,000 jobs.
  Usually families spend their benefits immediately, so it is very 
quick. I mean, you don't spend a lot of time--if you are hungry, you 
are not going to be waiting a couple of weeks before you use your SNAP 
benefits; you are going to immediately go to the store. That is an 
immediate economic impact.
  When families buy food at grocery stores and markets, as I said, they 
are strengthening their local economies and the supply chain as a 
whole, from the farmers to the truckdrivers, to the stockers, to the 
cashiers, to the folks who invest in the stock markets.
  In fact, farmers understand better than anybody that families are 
their customers. That is why, when we write a bipartisan farm bill, 
which I am proud that we have been able to do, we make sure it helps 
both farmers and families.
  Farm bills are about a farmer safety net. Farmers need additional 
help right now. It is also about a family's safety net, and families 
need help right now. Families across the country need help right now, 
and this time is no different. Nearly 2,500 farm and food advocates 
agree with that. In a letter to Senate leadership, these groups, 
including the National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, the National 
Milk Producers Federation, the National Farmers Union--thousands of 
organizations--have urged us to increase SNAP benefits for families in 
need right now with what is happening right now in this crisis.
  We are asking for something very simple and very reasonable, a 15-
percent boost in SNAP benefits. This increase means an additional $25 a 
month per person. That may not seem like much, unless you don't have 
any food, unless you can't feed your children, unless you are a senior, 
and you can't get food.
  The fact is, it may mean that a mom can actually give her children 
some fruits and vegetables so they can stay healthy while they are 
staying at home through this crisis. It means maybe one less skipped 
meal at the end of the month. One less skipped meal, that is what we 
are talking about.
  This modest increase will help ensure that families most affected by 
the pandemic will be able to cover the cost of food while they stay 
safe, while they look for work, and while they rebuild their lives, 
which many families are needing to do.
  We also need to increase the minimum amount of SNAP from $16 to $30 
per day. Again, for all of us, that doesn't seem like a lot. The 
reality is, this may be lifesaving--lifesaving--this difference, 
especially for our seniors who live alone.
  We must also waive the Trump administration's harmful regulations 
that will take food assistance away from hungry Americans when they 
need it the most. At a time when our neighbors and our economy are 
struggling, it is unconscionable to move forward with rules that would 
cut and deny benefits to millions of Americans, rules that would take 
away school meals from up to 1 million children.
  The Senate has the power to provide quick help to millions of people 
in every State across the country right now, right now. What a great 
way to spend a Wednesday evening to be able to help millions of 
families during this crisis.
  This is urgently needed. This is urgently needed help for the 
millions of families who are wondering where their next meal is going 
to come from. This is urgently needed help for the millions of people 
who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own in this crisis.
  When an unprecedented emergency has put American lives and 
livelihoods in danger, we have an obligation to act. It is not only our 
sworn duty; it is the right thing to do. It is just, plainly, the right 
thing to do.
  Boosting SNAP benefits is a tried-and-true, effective way to 
strengthen the economy and help Americans put food on the table. The 
U.S. Senate should not look away in the face of so much need.
  Therefore, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate 
proceed to the immediate consideration of my bill to make temporary 
modifications to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, which 
is at the desk. I further ask that the bill be considered read three 
times and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made 
and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection
  Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, reserving the right to object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. ROBERTS. I rise to respond to this unanimous consent request to 
call up and pass a bill to make modifications to the Supplemental 
Nutrition Assistance Program, known as SNAP.
  Over the past few months, through the enactment of both the Families 
First Act and the CARES Act, Congress has provided both funding and 
flexibilities for nutrition assistance during this pandemic emergency. 
The funding from the Families First and CARES Acts has included the 
following: $15 billion for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance 
Program; $8.8 billion for the School and Child Nutrition Programs; $1 
billion in food distribution programs, like The Emergency Food 
Assistance Program, TEFAP, and the Food Distribution Program for Indian 
Reservations; $500 million for the Special Supplemental Nutrition 
Program for Women, Infants, and Children, or the WIC Program.
  In addition, Congress provided emergency SNAP benefits, allotments, 
and pandemic EBT benefits for children while schools are closed.
  The Department of Agriculture has been steadily distributing both 
food and benefits, and the Department has granted and extended many 
flexibilities to State and sponsoring organizations to get food to 
those in need.
  The distinguished Senator from Michigan, for whom I have a great deal 
of respect and friendship--we have a history of working together on the 
Agriculture Committee to help those in need.
  In fact, just last week, we wrote the Secretary of Agriculture, Sonny 
Perdue, about some of the WIC flexibilities, and the Department of 
Agriculture has already acted to extend those flexibilities. This is 
just a recent example of the good work we can accomplish together, but 
I respectfully object to this unanimous consent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The objection is heard.
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I agree with my friend from Kansas that 
we work together in many ways and have been able to get a lot of good 
things together by working across the aisle. I want to focus on just a 
couple of things to expound on what he said, though.
  While we, in fact, did add dollars for some emergency SNAP in the 
original Families First Response Act, unfortunately, about 40 percent 
of the households didn't get any extra help at all. These were our 
poorest citizens. These were those who were already getting--because 
their income was so low--the maximum benefit, and they got no help at 
all. So 40 percent of the folks didn't see anything that was just 
described, and, for others, we are very concerned about the temporary 
nature of this and the fact that it was not enough to sustain what is 
happening for families.
  The 15 percent that we are talking about, which is something that was 
done back during the economic recession and has been done in various 
ways in the past, is an important response to make sure that every 
single family and

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individual who needs food assistance--not just some but that every 
single one can get the help they need at this time.
  What has been done up to this point was a start. It is surely not 
enough--surely not enough. At the very beginning of this process, it 
was not clear how long this was going to go or how deep this was going 
to go.
  The U.S. Senate needs to respond to what we are seeing now and how 
families are being affected across the country.
  I am going to now yield to Senator Brown and then Senator Klobuchar. 
I believe I saw her on the floor as well. Yes, Senator Klobuchar and 
then Senator Wyden as well--three tremendous advocates.
  Thank you so much.
  Senator Brown
  Mr. BROWN. Thank you, Senator Stabenow, and thank you for introducing 
this bill and your leadership on all issues agriculture, especially the 
importance of SNAP and feeding people.
  This is the United States of America. One specific thing Senator 
Stabenow said that really caught me was, it is pretty simple: People 
should have a roof over their head, and people should have food on the 
table.
  Think if you don't. I don't think that probably most of us know, 
intimately, people who don't have enough to eat and people who get 
evicted. I don't think we feel the anxiety they feel every night, 
wondering about the next meal. Today is July 1, wondering about the 
rent payment.
  Senator Klobuchar said this earlier today; that before the 
coronavirus, 25 percent of Americans who rent spend more than half 
their income in rent. So if one thing goes wrong in their life--one 
thing goes wrong: their car breaks down; they have a problem and their 
roof leaks; their child gets sick; they get hurt on the job and miss 2 
weeks of pay, their life turns upside down.
  Do we think about them? Do we think about their anxiety? Apparently 
not.
  Today, this could have been a really, really, really good day for 
workers in this country--for fast-food workers, for the people who 
change the linen in hospitals, for custodians, for data entry people, 
for home care workers--people who are on their feet all day long 
working for little pay. It could have been a big-deal day. It could be 
a red-letter day for them because we could have assured them that they 
will not get evicted; that they will not get foreclosed on if their 
hours have been cut back or if they are laid off; and we could have 
assured them that they would get a little food on the table. But under 
the leadership of Senator McConnell, we don't ever do that.
  Senator McConnell's office is back there. I don't know if he ever 
thinks about people like that. One of my favorite Lincoln quotes is he 
said: I have to get out of the White House and get my public opinion 
baths. I have to see how people are living. I want to hear about 
people's lives.
  I can't imagine Senator McConnell does any of that; otherwise, he 
couldn't make these awful, hard-hearted decisions to eliminate 
unemployment when it ends at the end of this month. Maybe he will 
decide to compromise, but, right now, if you are an unemployed worker, 
and you can't find a job in Detroit or in Portland or in Eugene or in 
St. Paul, you wonder if your unemployment is going to just stop, and 
you are going to get evicted. You don't have enough food, and we don't 
do a damn thing about it here.
  This is the United States of America. Couldn't we help hard-working 
Americans? Instead, we see an objection to rental assistance. We see an 
objection to increasing food benefits. I don't get it, the United 
States of America, that this would possibly happen.
  We should take up and pass Senator Stabenow's bill right now to 
increase SNAP benefits.
  At a time when the country is finally focusing on racial injustice, 
we have to recognize these issues are all connected.
  You all know that this pandemic has been the great revealer. It has 
revealed income inequality. It has revealed racial disparities. It has 
revealed life expectancies. If you look like me, your life expectancy 
is a good bit longer than if you are African American or Latino in this 
country; that our earning power is more and that our educational 
opportunities are greater. We know all that. Are we doing anything 
about it here? No, we are not.
  The President of the United States has put all of that behind him. He 
doesn't care about the pandemic. He never mentions the 120,000 people 
in this country--our brothers and sisters and mothers and fathers and 
children and grandparents who have died from this. He never mentions 
them. He has forgotten about that. He just doesn't want it to affect 
the stock market.
  It goes on and on and on. Increased demand at food banks, we hear it 
all the time. We see the stress on employees and the volunteers at food 
banks.
  Governor DeWine, to his credit--a Republican, and I appreciate that 
he is doing this--sent the National Guard in to help at food banks. 
Why? Because many, many food bank volunteers are older, and they 
couldn't risk getting exposed to so many who are coming in for food. 
The lines are hours and hours and hours long. Food insecurity rates 
have doubled since March, almost.
  We are realizing why we have a safety net in this country. We are 
realizing the importance of government. But, apparently, my colleagues, 
under Senator McConnell and President Trump, don't want to recognize 
that government has a role in our lives.
  The House did its part. It passed the Heroes Act, which has a 15-
percent across-the-board increase of SNAP benefits, but, as always, 
Leader McConnell is standing in the way.
  Leader McConnell says no to rental assistance. He says no to helping 
State and local governments. Wait until the layoffs in Michigan and 
Ohio and Oregon and Minnesota and North and South Dakota. Wait until 
the government and the local government layoffs come. Then what are we 
going to do?
  People shouldn't have to always fend for themselves in the middle of 
a crisis. We should not have people starving or risking their health to 
get food. People shouldn't be hungry in this country--in this rich 
country.
  It is time for us to step up. It is time to lead where the President 
has failed. It is time for Senator McConnell to let us do our jobs--
debate this; let's pass it; and let's move forward.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I want to thank Senator Brown for his 
eloquence and advocacy, and I want to thank him also for being an 
incredibly effective member of the Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry 
Committee, as is our next speaker, the senior Senator from Minnesota--
two Members that I am so proud to have as partners of mine on the 
Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee.
  I yield time to Senator Klobuchar.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
  Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I want to thank the Senator from 
Michigan for her leadership on the Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry 
Committee, helping to pass and leading the last farm bill in the 
Senate, along with Senator Roberts and so many of us who are on that 
committee.
  We understand that rural America is hurting right now, and rural 
America is actually part of the solution as well for so many people who 
are hungry and who need help.
  This pandemic and its economic impact has left 41 million Americans 
unemployed and strained the financial security of hundreds of thousands 
of families across this country.
  I have always worked to ensure, from the minute I got on the 
Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee, that we focus on 
nutrition. Programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance 
Program--or, as it is known, SNAP--are the place to do this: to provide 
meaningful relief to families, children, senior citizens, veterans. 
People all over this country, people who never thought they would be 
out of a job, people who used to--and I heard this story in Minnesota--
volunteer in food banks, now they are standing in line at food banks 
because they unexpectedly lost their jobs.
  Many of us have seen this. I have visited these food banks. Even 
before the pandemic, more than 37 million people, including more than 
11 million children, were living in a food-insecure household.
  Analytics released by the national nonprofit Feeding America in April

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projected these numbers to increase this year to more than 54 million 
people, including 18 million children.
  The 350 food shelves in my State operated by Second Harvest Heartland 
are seeing double or triple the number of visitors. So this weekend, on 
Sunday, I visited one of our biggest food shelves, Second Harvest 
Heartland, with Director Allison O'Toole, with a number of people who 
were working there around the clock. They just released a study. What 
the study said is that before the pandemic 1 in 11 Minnesotans were 
living with hunger. Now, they project for August--only a little over a 
month from now--that one in eight Minnesotans will be food insecure--
one in eight.
  They said, tracking our State's history back to the Great Depression, 
they have never seen anything like this since the Great Depression--not 
even the economic downturn 10 years ago, not the ups and downs in 
unemployment that we have seen in our rural areas, the farm crises up 
in Northern Minnesota--nothing like they are projecting to happen.
  July begins with the Fourth of July. The Fourth of July is when we 
celebrate our country. We celebrate what America means. My hope is that 
we will end July by actually passing the Heroes Act. I know we are 
going to negotiate it, colleagues. I know we will make changes over 
what passed in the House, but we cannot let our States go bankrupt. We 
must help local areas.
  I was on the phone today with our friends in the Fargo-Moorhead area, 
and we have seen it there too. We have seen it all over our State.
  The SNAP program was originally designed to respond to changes in the 
economy by expanding to meet increased need during economic downturns 
and contracting as economic recovery alleviates the need for food 
assistance.
  Under the farm bill that was signed into law under Senator Stabenow's 
leadership in 2018, we preserved this critical lifeline. The conference 
report, which passed with 87 votes in the Senate and 369 votes in the 
House of Representatives, avoided making cuts to benefits or changes to 
eligibility that would take away benefits or create obstacles.
  At this difficult time, we should ensure that we are getting 
assistance to all of those who need it, not put up new barriers--not 
with what we are seeing with more COVID cases in the southern part of 
this country and in the western part of this country.
  In fact, the facts and the numbers bear out that we should be 
increasing those benefits. The House has taken action to do just that 
by passing a 15-percent increase in SNAP benefits during the pandemic. 
That is what they did in the Heroes Act. That is what we should do 
here.
  At the same time, the middle of a pandemic is the wrong time to be 
cutting SNAP benefits or kicking participants out of the program, and 
that is why I have called on the administration to withdraw rules that 
would take these benefits away from families in need.
  As for food deserts, again, the pandemic has simply put a big, fat 
magnifying glass on a problem that already existed, and that is that 
23.5 million Americans live in a food desert where the absence of a 
grocery store within 1 mile of their home makes it more difficult to 
purchase fresh, nutritious food.
  Low-income Americans and people of color are much more likely to live 
in a food desert, and people in rural areas live in these food deserts 
all over America
  That is why Senator Brown and I wrote a letter with 20 Senators 
urging the Department of Agriculture to prioritize these programs 
intended to minimize food deserts and support local and regional 
efforts for these projects.
  We cannot overlook the capacity needs of food shelves, and that is 
something I talked about with our friends at Second Harvest Heartland 
just this weekend.
  The WORK NOW Act is something that--I appreciate Senator Wyden is 
here as one of the cosponsors, along with Senator Brown and Senator 
Schatz--supports nonprofit organizations, to make it easier for them to 
hire people who are actually out of work, who could then help other 
people.
  It is why I joined Senator Stabenow and several of my colleagues in 
the Agriculture Committee in introducing the Food Supply Protection Act 
to help food banks increase their capacity and strengthen partnerships 
to prevent food waste while feeding more families.
  One of my predecessors, Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey, whose desk 
I stand in front of today--his name is carved in the desk--served on 
the Agriculture Committee. He grew up in a small town in South Dakota. 
He became a professor eventually, but his father was a pharmacist. He 
understood the importance--growing up in that family, seeing the ups 
and downs of rural America--of stable government policy for both 
agriculture producers and families struggling to put food on the table.
  He was a leading advocate of Federal nutrition programs and played an 
instrumental role in the passage of what was then called the Food Stamp 
Act of 1964, which turned what was then just a pilot program into the 
permanent program we know today.
  He knew that the moral test of government is how government treats 
its most vulnerable citizens: those in need, those who are seniors, 
those with disabilities.
  He once said this: ``We will be remembered not for the power of our 
weapons but for the power of our compassion, our dedication to human 
welfare.''
  In these times of uncertainty and with rising food insecurity, we 
need to work to ensure that the nutrition needs of our most vulnerable 
citizens are met.
  I yield the floor.
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I want to thank my friend from Minnesota 
for her wonderful words. Again, we think about all the need that is 
there, and we are here just trying to make sure that people can get 
their basics, such as food on the table for the kids.
  We are very fortunate, and I feel very fortunate to have both 
Senators from Oregon here on the floor this evening. I am going to 
first yield now to Senator Wyden, but I want to say first: Senator 
Wyden is the ranking member of the Finance Committee, as we know. I 
think that is a pretty powerful committee, and we are grateful for his 
leadership.
  I am particularly grateful for the work the Senator is doing and has 
done on unemployment compensation and what needs to be done and the 
importance of tying all of this together--for somebody having enough 
income to be able to pay the rent and then getting enough help to put 
food on the table.
  I am proud to be his partner and very much appreciate all that he is 
doing to put people first--Senator Wyden
  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, I thank Senator Stabenow, my seatmate on 
the Senate Finance Committee. We are a bit more socially distant now, 
but we still have spent this time plotting and thinking and trying to 
imagine a future that provides the kinds of priorities that we have 
been talking about today.
  Senator Stabenow's reports particularly--these wonderful reports that 
document the cost of inaction--I have almost made them a reference tool 
on my desk so, when I have to look at a particular area, I can turn to 
one of those Stabenow reports. They are always understandable, always 
cutting right to the heart of the issue, which is this: How are you 
going to give the opportunity for everybody in America to get ahead--
not just the people at the top but everybody in America the chance to 
get ahead?
  I am not going to take but a few minutes. I do want to note that I 
believe that Oregon is the only State to have produced 100 percent of 
its U.S. Senators on behalf of the cause tonight. This is something 
Senator Merkley and I enjoy doing when there is an opportunity to speak 
for justice.
  I want to reflect for a minute on how the day started, because I 
guess it was almost 12 hours ago our Democratic leader, Senator 
Schumer, stood right there; I stood where I am; and he outlined the 
Schumer-Wyden proposal for the next steps on dealing with this crushing 
unemployment we have in our country--30 million people.
  The number is almost so large that the experts can't get their arms 
around exactly how many people are unemployed, but what we know is that 
every

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week it goes up far more than that kind of similar period during the 
great recession.
  We talked about what is going to happen July 31. July 31, if the 
Senate does not act, we are going to have a tsunami of evictions. We 
are going to have families, just as Senator Stabenow said, basically 
sitting in their living rooms, sitting in their kitchens, and trying to 
figure out how they are going to make ends meet that month.
  Without supercharged unemployment, without the SNAP benefits that 
Senator Stabenow is talking about, without the help Senator Brown is 
talking about with respect to housing and evictions, there are a lot of 
people who are just going to fall between the cracks.
  I thought, it being 12 hours since we began this, that I might just 
connect the dots for a few minutes.
  In the face of this historic public health emergency, we know that 
millions of Americans have their health on the line, and because Donald 
Trump has failed to get the COVID-19 virus under control, we have now 
got jobs on the line. Now many people are being forced to choose 
between feeding their child or paying the rent to keep a roof over 
their head.
  So you have housing, you have healthcare, you have unemployment, and 
we are trying very hard to be creative. I know, for my colleague from 
Michigan, hardly a day goes by when she doesn't talk to me about the 
benefit of Work Share, a creative way to make unemployment dollars 
stretch. By the way, Senator Merkley talks about it almost as much as 
my friend from Michigan because he feels very strongly about it.
  So as we connect the dots, as we have over the last 12 hours, and we 
talk about housing and healthcare and unemployment, I also want people 
to understand that those challenges were serious last week and the week 
before.
  We ought to put in context what we heard yesterday from Tony Fauci, 
who said that the trajectory as of right now is one where our country 
may possibly see 100,000 new cases a day.
  So let's picture what that means for the SNAP program and how hard 
Senator Stabenow's work is going to be, because we have heard Chairman 
Roberts--and you all have worked very well--and the like, and hopefully 
we can get that worked out because I don't even want to begin to 
imagine how much hunger and unemployment and housing challenges we are 
going to face with 100,000 new cases a day.
  So the work that Senator Stabenow is doing is urgent business. It 
really also brings us back to this: How can it be, in a country as 
strong and as good as ours, that we have all these kids going to bed 
hungry at night?
  In our home State--the State Senator Merkley and I have the privilege 
to represent--one out of every four Oregonians worries about putting 
food on the table. Our Oregon Food Bank, run by the inimitable Susannah 
Morgan, is doing a fabulous job. But the fact is--and I was really 
struck by this--the Oregon Food Bank has told my office that demand for 
emergency food has doubled in Oregon over the past 2 months at Oregon 
Food Bank's five branches.
  Recently, I was home. Whenever Senator Merkley and I are home, we try 
to get out and talk to a variety of community groups. I was helping 
distribute food baskets. I was struck because we were all being 
socially distant. They were handing me the bags, and I was putting them 
in the back of the cart. I got a chance to have a little bit of a 
conversation with those people. The cars were backed up for blocks and 
blocks on the east side of our community, where Senator Merkley and I 
both live.
  There were people who had not faced this kind of challenge before. 
You looked at them, and they looked at you, and you could see in their 
faces that they never expected this, particularly the seniors.
  My colleague has heard all the Gray Panthers stories. Senator Merkley 
heard them 50 times; you only heard them 25 times. But a lot of those 
seniors going through in their cars, it was clear, also, that was the 
big outing for the day. They didn't get really dressed up, but kind of, 
and the car was perfectly clean. They came through, and they wanted to 
visit. But you knew that, without that food, they wouldn't have a 
chance to make it through the day.
  What this comes down to is what Senator Stabenow is basically doing, 
is being in the Tikkun Olam business. That is a phrase Jews often use; 
it is about perfecting the world. It is about the moral obligation we 
have in America to do everything within our power to make sure that 
kids and families do not go hungry. Susannah Morgan was real clear 
about the things she wanted Senator Merkley and I to talk about on the 
floor of the Senate and make sure they got out. She wants to make sure 
that people can get assistance through a regular EBT card.
  The Trump administration, of course, has pushed to impose strenuous 
work requirements, which don't make any sense--particularly in a public 
health crisis--in workplaces and can be dangerous. We want to expand 
ways to get food to SNAP participants, like home delivery, curbside 
pickup. We want to extend what has come to be known as the pandemic EBT 
through the summer and any future school closures.
  This is so important because, even before the pandemic, I often would 
go to various kinds of programs run by community groups, and they would 
be serving a lunch. I would shoot baskets with kids for a bit. I would 
see the kids drift away, and they would take at least two lunches--at 
least two. I would go and visit. It was clear that they were just 
ravenous; they were incredibly hungry. This was pre-COVID. I would ask: 
What did you have to eat since you were here yesterday to shoot baskets 
with a Senator?
  They would look at you and say: Well, I had a Milky Way.
  That is what we are dealing with in America right now. What Senator 
Stabenow is doing with these programs is so incredibly important. When 
we have our priorities straight, kids who are eligible for free or 
reduced-cost meals would be able to get that food. I know that my 
colleague from Michigan has worked hard to make sure that those meals 
include more fresh fruits and vegetables. I heard her talk about it. 
She is trying to reach out to so many communities where often--and 
Senator Klobuchar talked about it--it is kind of a food desert. If you 
don't have the program Senator Klobuchar is working for, you are just 
going to have a lot of people like those kids I met going hungry.
  I am going to close with one last thought that is important to us in 
our part of the country. The reality is that, for many years, none of 
this was at all partisan. We have all heard about Bob Dole and George 
McGovern and the history books, and they made their common cause with 
respect to agriculture, and they would round up urban legislators. We 
read about that, various historical figures from the East, they weren't 
partisan.
  In our part of the world, when we talk about the practical, 
commonsense ideas that Senator Stabenow is offering for feeding hungry 
people, we just call them the Oregon Way. People always ask: Well, 
where is this Oregon Way, Ron? Where is this thing? Is it on the top of 
the capitol dome or Pioneer Square in Portland? I say: No, it is what 
we have tried to do for years.
  I want to thank Senator Stabenow for bringing heart and a pragmatic 
approach to this. We saw how you just reached out to Senator Roberts. 
By the way, I am on the Intelligence Committee. I am not going to give 
out anything classified, but Senator Roberts walked by, and he said: We 
are going to get this worked out. We are going to figure this out.
  I am going to end on a little bit of an upbeat note because that 
happened maybe only half an hour ago, and having watched my seatmate in 
action with Chairman Roberts often pull together agreements where 
nobody thought an agreement was possible--no pressure, don't feel like 
we are singling you out, but just know that a lot of us are going to be 
your allies in this fight because it is a fight for fairness, it is a 
fight for kids, it is a fight for families that are hurting, and it is 
a fight for an America where everybody gets a chance to get ahead.
  Thank you for doing that
  Ms. STABENOW. I am going to yield to Senator Merkley in a second. 
First, I want to say to the senior Senator from Oregon, when you talk 
about the Oregon Way, this needs to be the American way. This is the 
American way.
  Right now, the average food benefit under SNAP is $4.17 a day for a 
person.

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Think about going to the grocery store--$4.17 a day. We are asking for 
a 15-percent increase during this pandemic. We ought to all be looking 
at these numbers and going: Come on, the America way ought to be to 
make sure somebody can put food on the table for the children and that 
they are not eating a Milky Way until they can get to school.
  I am going to now turn to Senator Merkley. I want to give a shout-out 
to Senator Merkley, who is the ranking Democrat on the Agriculture 
Subcommittee of Appropriations, extremely important. He is such a 
wonderful partner and advocate on all of the food access issues and 
healthy food issues and so on. We are so lucky to have Senator Merkley 
in the position that he is in. I will turn to Senator Merkley.
  I yield time to Senator Merkley.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to engage in 
colloquy with my colleague from Michigan.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. MERKLEY. Senator Stabenow, it is a pleasure to be here with you 
in this fight for something as fundamental as hunger. As I was 
listening to the conversation, your words and our colleague's from 
Ohio, Sherrod Brown, who was speaking, and our colleague from Minnesota 
and partner from Oregon, I thought: How many Senators have experienced 
hunger this last week, the inability to have a meal? What is your sense 
of that?
  Ms. STABENOW. My guess would be that everyone is like me, and, no, I 
have not experienced a sense of it.
  Mr. MERKLEY. No one in this Chamber is missing a meal.
  Ms. STABENOW. We are all extremely fortunate; we don't have to 
experience that.
  Mr. MERKLEY. I am pretty sure, down the hall in the House of 
Representatives, nobody is missing a meal; yet so many people in each 
of our States are missing meals. In my State of Oregon, hunger has 
doubled since March. I imagine hunger has increased in your home State 
of Michigan.
  Ms. STABENOW. Absolutely--at least doubled, absolutely.
  Mr. MERKLEY. It is being driven by massive unemployment. The estimate 
in April was for families who earn less than $40,000 a year, 40 percent 
had lost their job. I think that was April. Now, maybe it is well over 
50 percent. Half of working America of modest incomes lost their jobs, 
and it wasn't that easy to sign up for unemployment benefits.
  We still have a couple hundred thousand people in Oregon who are 
waiting for unemployment benefits. I can guarantee you they are very 
hungry. I know there are those in Michigan as well.
  The majority leader has decided to send the Senate on vacation for 2 
weeks. I guess my question to you is: Does hunger take a vacation? Do 
those who are hungry in Oregon and hungry in Pennsylvania, is it going 
to take a vacation for 2 weeks?
  Ms. STABENOW. I don't think hunger ever takes a vacation, if it is in 
the middle of the night, early in the morning, all the way through the 
week. I mean, the reality is, when we are here, there are people around 
this country who are hungry. When Senator McConnell adjourns the Senate 
for the week and we are not here for the next 2 weeks, people are going 
to continue to be hungry and probably getting more and more hungry as 
the economic situation gets worse.
  Mr. MERKLEY. We might think of hunger as kind of a temporary 
discomfort, something you get through, but my understanding is, when 
children are hungry, when they don't have the basic nutrients on a 
regular basis, it damages the development of the mind.
  Is that something you heard?
  Ms. STABENOW. Absolutely.
  Mr. MERKLEY. We are talking about millions of American children who 
are suffering not just discomfort but damage to their minds because 
they don't have enough to eat. The majority leader is sending us on 
vacation rather than addressing it.
  Thank you to my colleague for coming to the floor, organizing, 
carrying this forward, the work you do, and authorizing the work the 
Appropriations Committee does and the funding.
  We have got to address this. We have to recognize how bad the 
situation is, how bad things are nationally. More than 40 million 
people have lost their jobs; 120,000 people have died. The rate of 
infections are exploding across the country--and how bad things are in 
my home State--243,000 people are out of work. We have an unemployment 
rate of over 14 percent, higher than it was any point in the great 
recession. Food insecurity and hunger have doubled since March. Food is 
at the top of the hierarchy of needs for human life.

  All we have done is come to the floor and say: Let's help in a pretty 
modest way with a 15-percent increase--the $4 and change that the 
Senator talked about--60 cents? We probably should be doubling it.
  But that 15-percent increase in the maximum benefits does make a 
difference. It makes a difference. Hunger doesn't take a vacation and 
neither should we.
  As Senator Stabenow proposed, we should debate a bill now--pass now a 
bill. We should effect these changes at this moment and not leave this 
Chamber until we have gotten the work of the American people done for 
the most important need any human being has, and that is basic 
nutrition.
  When Martin Luther King was accepting his Nobel Peace Prize, he said 
that he had ``the audacity to believe that people everywhere could have 
three meals a day for their bodies, education and culture for their 
minds, and dignity, equality and freedom for their spirits.'' Let this 
Chamber have the audacity not just to believe that people can have 
three meals a day but to make it happen.
  I am fully in support of your efforts, a full partner on behalf of 
all those who suffer hunger in the United States, on behalf of every 
child who wants a basic foundation to thrive here in the United States 
of America. We are failing in our job. Hunger doesn't take a vacation 
and neither should the Senate. Let's get the act passed now.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gardner). The Senator from Michigan.
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I want to thank my friend from Oregon 
for his comments and his ongoing leadership on the Appropriations 
Committee. It is incredibly important.
  Now, I am going to turn to the Senator from Pennsylvania, Mr. Casey, 
and thank him on so many different issues, which range from children 
and what they need, in terms of healthcare and being able to have the 
support they need to be able to grow and be successful, all the way up 
to our older citizens and those in nursing homes, where he is providing 
such advocacy now as we look at what needs to be done to support our 
seniors and those in nursing homes.
  Thank you for always putting people first and for joining us tonight.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania
  Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I want to thank the senior Senator from 
Michigan for her leadership. I will say more about her work in a 
moment.
  We would not be here tonight talking about this program that we know 
by the acronym, but the words are all important, Supplemental Nutrition 
Assistance Program--SNAP--what we used to call food stamps. We wouldn't 
be here without her leadership and those who made food insecurity and 
anti-hunger initiatives a priority.
  This is a program that I believe is core to our responsibility to 
support American families during this national crisis--the public 
health crisis and the jobs crisis. This program, the Supplemental 
Nutrition Assistance Program, is a lifeline for millions of Americans 
to access the food they need to survive. I think that is an 
understatement. As the junior Senator from Oregon, Mr. Merkley, just 
said, this is about life itself. This is about being able to live and 
being able to survive. No human being can survive without food, and so 
many go without food on a regular basis. So many others are food 
insecure, but that doesn't mean they have not felt the pain we are 
talking about.
  I wanted to say just a couple of words about Senator Stabenow because 
this has been not just an issue for her, not just a program, the SNAP 
program, and not just a cause of food insecurity, but it has really 
been a passion for her. Some people are mission-driven in their work. 
She has been one of those Senators who has been mission-driven to make 
sure we are doing everything

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we can with every opportunity, every budget, every season of the 
Senate; that we do everything we can to help the most vulnerable.
  Someday, many years from now when many of us may not be around, there 
may be folks who are chronicling or summarizing the history of the 
Senate on particular issues. I am sure, just as we make reference to 
work that has preceded us or Senators who have preceded us--I have no 
doubt when a Senator stands up on this floor years from now, maybe even 
decades from now, and they talk about the Supplemental Nutrition 
Assistance Program, if they start to itemize or catalog or list the 
Senators who had the most profound impact on this program, Senator 
Stabenow will be one of very few who will be listed in such a chronicle 
of the advocacy done for the SNAP program.
  William Jennings Bryan said a long time ago, in a different context, 
but he said it well about a cause, about how one person can make such a 
difference on one issue or one cause. We have seen some of that lately 
with Americans demanding action on a range of issues--marching and 
protesting for criminal justice reform or changes to policing or 
advocates for healthcare or whatever issue, whatever cause. William 
Jennings Bryan said it well. I think he said it in 1896: ``The humblest 
citizen in all the land, when clad . . . in a righteous cause, is 
stronger than all the hosts of error.''
  ``When clad . . . in a righteous cause, is stronger than all the 
hosts of error.''
  I think what he meant by that is that one citizen can have a huge 
impact. What we have even with Senator Stabenow's work is one Senator 
who can have an impact. This has been for her, I know, her righteous 
cause, and the country is better for her service and better for her 
work on this issue.
  What are we talking about here? When we say food insecurity, that may 
not sound too threatening to a lot of people. That means you are 
hungry. The person we are talking about might be an adult, but all too 
many times it is a child. When a child is hungry, it is hard as an 
adult to really fully understand what that means. I never lived a day 
of my life when I was hungry the whole day or the second day or the 
third day, so I really can't explain it. I never experienced it. I 
think that is probably true of most Members of Congress. Maybe growing 
up for some, they were, but many, of course, now don't feel that sense 
of food insecurity.
  It is a devastating reality for tens of millions of Americans. That 
was the case before the jobs crisis, before the COVID-19 public health 
crisis. It is ever more so now in the aftermath of the onset of the 
virus and while we are still in the grip of this COVID-19 disease--what 
we know and are describing worldwide as a pandemic.
  The pandemic has only made this crisis worse. Even more urgent is the 
crisis of food insecurity and economic insecurity. The unemployment 
numbers that we see now are further exacerbating what were already the 
undeniable realities of hunger, poverty, and food insecurity in this 
country.
  I know, for example, in my home State of Pennsylvania--I haven't seen 
the May numbers yet, but April numbers were high: 15 percent 
unemployment, 975,000 people out of work, heading toward a million 
people out of work in one State. I am certain that number will be lower 
in May, and thank God for that, and I hope lower in June again.
  When you are saying in one State there are hundreds of thousands more 
on top of the unemployed numbers from March, you can understand the 
terrible impact. When we talk about unemployment, that often leads to 
food insecurity, and that may lead to the kind of desperation that 
hunger can bring. You are talking about real pain in the lives of 
people--physical pain in an adult but especially in a child who may not 
be able to articulate the pain they are feeling. They may not be able 
to function, literally. They may not be able to function in any way. 
They certainly can't learn in school. No human being can learn and grow 
if they are hungry all the time--no one, not the strongest person we 
know.

  I come from a heritage of people who left Ireland because of hunger. 
They called it the Great Hunger at the time. When policies were put in 
place or actions were not taken and hundreds of thousands of people 
starved, millions left Ireland, just like people leave their homelands 
today to escape hunger, to escape poverty, and even famine itself--the 
most extreme version of hunger around the world.
  We are talking about real physical pain. We are not just talking 
about a casual missing of a meal or being a little bit hungry, as so 
many of us have never experienced. It is pain, but it is also fear. 
Imagine the fear of a parent. I can't even begin to imagine as a parent 
knowing that, for a lot of different reasons--job loss or other adverse 
circumstances in your life--you cannot afford to feed your children. 
That one person might have both the pain of hunger and the total fear 
of not being able to feed your children. If we are not doing something 
about that in the Senate, we are just not doing our job.
  We say: Oh, the CARES Act did this and the CARES Act did that. Well, 
do you know what? We have been trying for months now, on the Democratic 
side of the aisle in the Senate, to get a couple of things done.
  What are they? No. 1, increase in SNAP benefits by 15 percent. Why 
can't that be done in the Senate when we know the pain and the reality 
of hunger? Increase the minimum benefit level. Why can't we do that in 
the Senate? We passed, what, five bills for $3 trillion, and we can't 
add more money to the SNAP program? I know, we did it in an earlier 
bill. Let's stop patting ourselves on the back for that.
  Let's do something transformative or at least do something 
substantial. Let's not even get to transformative. Let's get to 
substantial help for Americans who are hungry right now, folks who are 
low income and are hungry; folks who had a job and lost their job are 
hungry. They may benefit from a food pantry or a food bank. We are not 
doing enough for them either. We are certainly not doing enough for the 
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the most vulnerable among 
us.
  Thirdly, in addition, increase the benefits overall by 15--the 
minimum benefit level. We should put a stop to the rules the 
administration has been cramming down the throats of Americans so that 
less people will get the benefit of the SNAP program. The 
administration is dead wrong about that. They haven't just doubled down 
on pushing these draconian changes to the program, but they recently 
appealed a court ruling that put a temporary pause on one of the rules. 
I don't know the words for that--heartless, callous--but it is not good 
for any of us. It is a stain on the moral fabric of America when any 
administration does that.
  I know Senator Stabenow and her colleagues on the Agriculture, 
Nutrition, and Forestry Committee--we should use the middle word more 
often than we do. It is not simply the Ag Committee. It is the 
Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee. The nutrition part of 
it has been the subject of some good working relationships on the 
committee.
  I want to thank Senator Stabenow for her work again. I appreciate the 
work she has done with Senator Roberts. We have to do more than we have 
done on this program.
  I was proud a couple of years ago to finally--after attempt after 
attempt, year after year--finally, to get the Global Food Security Act 
passed. People have been waiting for that from the time Dick Lugar 
served in the Senate all the way through the time I teamed up with 
former Senator Johnny Isakson.
  We got the Global Food Security Act done, which meant that the Feed 
the Future Program--that great program the Bush administration started 
and the Obama administration brought to fruition--was codified in law. 
That was a good day for world food security.
  That was a good day for the world when America showed that we know 
how to do this, that we know how to help countries grow their own food 
and provide food security. Yet we haven't done enough here. We never 
can say we have done enough here if we are not funding at an adequate 
level in the middle of a pandemic, in the middle of a public health 
emergency, and in a jobs and economic emergency. We can't say we are 
doing enough if we are not going to invest in SNAP.
  I have a lot more to say, but I know I am over my time. Let me make 
one final point.
  The moral case is unassailable here. There is no disputing the 
benefit of this program, especially now. So I

[[Page S4128]]

think the moral question is settled. I just hope folks will consider 
it.
  How about the economic case?
  Say that you are a Member of Congress and that you don't like this 
program. There are not many people who would admit to that, but you 
don't like it, and you don't want to add more funding to it. That is 
your position. That is a morally objectionable position, but let's say 
that is your position. You could also be for an increase to the SNAP 
program because it is a good bang for the buck, OK?
  So if all you are interested in is going back home and saying ``Do 
you know what I did today? I voted for a program that will more than 
pay for itself, and it will help everybody''--if that is what your game 
is and if that is what makes you happy, your going back to your 
community, to your State, then fine. This program, the SNAP program, is 
a great bang for the buck.
  If you spend a buck on SNAP benefits in an economic downturn--and I 
will make sure I cite the source here. It is the U.S. Department of 
Agriculture's Economic Research Service. Guess what. You will get $1.50 
in return, maybe even as high as $1.80. Let's go with the current 
number of $1.50. That is a pretty good ROI, return on investment.
  If that is all you care about, is a return on investment, and you 
don't care about the program--you are not really troubled by food 
insecurity, and you are not really persuaded by the pain of hunger--
then support it because it is a good bang for the buck. That would make 
sense. That is the American way to consider what we should be doing 
here. Consider the moral case, which should be enough, but you can also 
consider the efficacy of the program--the effect, the value--in an 
economic sense.
  We are all better off when SNAP is funded at an adequate level--all 
of us--because of that bang for the buck and because when people get 
SNAP dollars, they spend them. Guess what. That is good for all of us. 
It is good for our local economies, and it is good for our State 
economies. It is good for producers, for the people transporting the 
food, and for the people marketing the food. That is why farmers and 
people in the ag sector of our economy are sometimes the biggest 
proponents of the SNAP program.
  This is the right thing to do to try to ease some of that pain--that 
awful pain--that children feel in the middle of the night, in the 
morning when they wake up, at lunchtime when other kids are eating 
something and they may not be eating, especially now that they are away 
from school, at night, and when they go to bed at night.
  So let's come together and get something done. There is some good 
news in that we might be considering another bill, but let's meet our 
obligation on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. If others 
who have been reluctant to do that vote for this and support this, then 
you can do all the pats on the back that you want, but let's do the 
right thing for America, especially for those suffering from the pain 
of hunger.
  I yield the floor to the senior Senator from Michigan.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan
  Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, I thank my friend from 
Pennsylvania for his passion and for his being such a wonderful partner 
on these issues. I very much appreciate his speaking about the fact 
that there is an economic benefit.
  If nothing else, if someone wants to look at how we can help our 
farmers, how we can help our grocery stores, how we can help those in 
the food chain--all of whom we want to help as well--you do that in the 
most efficient way possible, which is by giving people the funds to go 
buy food directly in the grocery stores so that they are able, when 
they have a need like this, to support their families.
  The great thing about SNAP is that it is set up so that when the 
economy gets better, the food assistance goes down. When the economy 
gets worse, the food assistance goes up. The challenge for us right now 
is that there is such a crisis and there are so many more people 
needing help--people who never in their lives thought they would need 
help--that we are in a situation in which we are called upon to meet 
that need and to be able to increase what we are doing.
  There was a small effort at the beginning to provide some additional 
help, but it nowhere near met the need we have now--nowhere near. When 
I think about negotiating the CARES Act and the fact that, again, the 
average benefit for food assistance in this country per person is $4.17 
a day, the White House said no to any increase to the $4.17 a day. 
Leader McConnell said no to any increase in the CARES Act--to the $4.17 
a day for people.
  There is something wrong with that, so we are here on the floor to 
say we have to do better. The Senate has to do better. The House did 
better when it passed the Heroes Act. It gave some additional support 
and help. The Senate needs to do the same. The Senate could have done 
the same tonight rather than to now wait 2 weeks, as we will not be in 
session. We haven't really started negotiating what comes next, and it 
will take weeks after that.
  Every single day, there are people going hungry. The pain that 
Senator Casey talked about is something being experienced by people 
tonight and being experienced by people in the morning and every single 
day going forward. That is the reality for too many families in 
America--in the United States of America--and it doesn't have to be 
that way.
  We can at least give some help. I wish we could do more. We couldn't 
get a 15-percent increase in the CARES Act. I would love to be able to 
do more than that, but at a minimum, we should be doing that. That is 
what the House did. That is what has been done in other economic 
downturns, and that is what we should be doing to help families in 
America who, frankly, just want to know somebody has their backs right 
now when everything is coming at them and when they are trying to 
figure out how they are going to keep their heads above water and care 
for their children and make sure that the older adults in their lives 
have the help and support they need as well.
  We are going to keep working on this until we get it. There is just 
no excuse not to be able to meet the need that so many millions of 
families are feeling right now.
  This is a moral moment for the Senate. It could have been a moral 
Wednesday. If there had not been an objection, we could have gotten it 
done tonight. Wouldn't that have been a great way to go into the Fourth 
of July weekend--being able to provide some small, additional food 
assistance for millions of Americans who are in need right now? This is 
not going to happen now because of the objection, but we are going to 
keep going until we can get families the help they need.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in 
morning business.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered


                                 Russia

  Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, before we close tonight, I want to talk 
about a story that is troubling a lot of Americans--one that we have 
just learned about in the last couple of days--and that is the recent 
events regarding the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and some of the 
reporting.
  Like many of my colleagues--and I am sure this is a feeling shared by 
tens and tens of millions of Americans--I am alarmed, as I know they 
are, by reports of the intelligence community's discovery that the 
Russian Government offered to pay Taliban and Haqqani Network militants 
to target American troops in Afghanistan.
  The New York Times broke the story on June 26. Since then, several 
questions have emerged regarding how the intelligence has been handled, 
how long decisionmakers within the U.S. Government have known about 
this, and thirdly, what measures the administration is taking to hold 
Russia accountable.
  Obviously, there are a number of stories by other news outlets in 
addition to that by the New York Times. I will just refer to one 
excerpt from the New York Times' June 26 report.
  It reads: ``An operation to incentivize the killing of American and 
other NATO troops would be a significant and provocative escalation of 
what American and Afghan officials have

[[Page S4129]]

said is Russian support for the Taliban.''
  The story later goes on to read: ``Any involvement with the Taliban 
that resulted in the deaths of American troops would also be a huge 
escalation of Russia's so-called hybrid war against the United States, 
a strategy of destabilizing adversaries through a combination of such 
tactics as cyberattacks . . . and covert and deniable military 
operations.''
  We have learned in recent days that these reports have been 
circulating through the U.S. intelligence community since early 2019, 
but there was little to no action taken. The timeline regarding these 
events is of particular concern to me and, I know, to many Americans 
but especially to those who represent a State in which there is a 
direct connection.
  In April of 2019, three U.S. marines were killed in a car bomb near 
Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan. There was speculation that this may 
have been a bounty attack that had been carried out by the Taliban for 
the Russians.
  There has been further reporting on this--tracking the dollars--by 
the New York Times and maybe by a few other outlets, but I know the New 
York Times did.
  One of the marines killed in that April 2019 attack was a 
Pennsylvanian. If there had been credible intelligence regarding the 
Russian plot and if that intelligence had been acted upon, one question 
I have is--and it is only a question; I don't know the answer to this 
question, but I ask it--could the death of this young Pennsylvania 
marine and his brothers in arms have been averted?
  That is a question. I don't know the answer to it. I hope, in the 
coming days and weeks--and I hope not longer than weeks--we will have 
an answer to that question, among many, as it troubles so many 
Americans.
  As of the close of last year, December of 2019, 294 servicemembers 
from Pennsylvania had been killed in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan--
the third highest toll of any State. Our State has sacrificed a lot. If 
Russia had had any hand in contributing to these losses, to say that it 
is offensive, enraging, and deeply problematic is an understatement and 
warrants a close look not only at the U.S. engagement in Afghanistan 
but also at how we respond--how the United States of America responds--
to Vladimir Putin's efforts to disrupt U.S. efforts overseas and take 
American lives while doing it.
  Accordingly, I have several questions about how the intelligence has 
been handled and what measures have been taken to hold Russia 
accountable for these horrific, incendiary, unlawful actions contrary 
to international law.
  The administration must brief all Members of Congress immediately. I 
think Americans are offended when the administration briefs one side of 
the aisle. All Members of Congress should be briefed. Those briefings 
should occur immediately and in close proximity to the reporting. The 
briefings should include when they received the intelligence--when the 
administration received it--when the President was briefed, and what 
actions were considered in response. I also call on the administration 
to report to Congress on a process for protecting our troops in moving 
forward.
  You could be justifiably offended by inaction by the administration 
or for the knowledge that preceded that inaction, that they did nothing 
in response to it.
  It is especially offensive now to a lot of Americans that this 
information now is in the public record and there seems to be no 
evidence of any kind of a response, any kind of an action.
  So I think the administration should report to Congress not just on 
who knew what when, but also on what we do going forward.
  The families of these fallen soldiers deserve answers. The American 
people, obviously, deserve answers as well.
  We cannot let Russia and Vladimir Putin get away with this.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Scott of South Carolina). Without 
objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I want to thank all my colleagues and my 
partners, my partner Senator Reed, for working so hard today to come to 
an agreement. It has been a tough day. We think we have created a 
package that is acceptable to everyone and we will be hotlining it 
tonight.
  The Senate will come back into session at 10 a.m. tomorrow morning, 
and hopefully, we will be able to lock in our deal here.

                          ____________________