October 19, 2020 - Issue: Vol. 166, No. 178 — Daily Edition116th Congress (2019 - 2020) - 2nd Session
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Climate Change (Executive Calendar); Congressional Record Vol. 166, No. 178
(Senate - October 19, 2020)
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[Pages S6315-S6318] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] Climate Change Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Madam President, I do want to say that we are here at a time when the Republican Party is jamming yet another nominee through bizarre procedural practices onto the Supreme Court. We have examined in the Judiciary Committee some of the ways in which the funding for that operation flows from big anonymous donors who use the Federalist Society as a conduit to buy a seat at the table where our Supreme Court Justices are selected, and then, with contributions as big as $17 million, pays for campaign ads for the nominee who has been selected and then sends an entire flotilla of front groups in an orchestrated chorus to go and argue together before the Supreme Court as if they were different. What I want to say today is that we have been looking at this captured court problem for a while, and we are releasing this ``What's at Stake'' report on what it means for climate and the environment because who is behind the scheme to capture the court are primarily the big polluters who want protection from courts that will be friendly to their interests. I will speak more about this and about why they are willing to spend [[Page S6316]] what the Washington Post has calculated as $250 million in dark money to affect this court-capture operation. What is the payback for them? I am here for this episode of my ``Time to Wake Up'' series, which has an interesting overlay with what is happening in the Senate because we are considering the nomination of Judge Barrett to go on the Supreme Court. Her nomination completes a series of three nominations to the Supreme Court consecutively, each of which has been distinguished by extremely unusual procedural maneuvering and even rule-breaking within the Senate and the Judiciary Committee to get those nominations pushed through. So we have been looking for some time at what the motivation is behind all of that pressure and what the explanation is for all of those bizarre procedural anomalies that we see over and over and over again. As I described in the Judiciary hearing, what we see is an operation that has brought big, anonymous special interests to the table, where Justices are selected by virtue of their writing big checks. The vehicle for this has been the Federalist Society, which has a fine role on college campuses as a conservative discussion and student group and which has a relatively fine role in Washington as a think tank--as fine as think tanks are. Yet it also has this additional role of taking money from big special interests, not disclosing who they are, and giving them a seat at the table when the Federalist Society is selecting Justices, and that is wrong. There is just no doubt about that being wrong. Then, once the Justices are selected, guess what. Ad campaigns get launched in support of them, and checks get written as big as $17 million to support the ad campaigns. Again, the donors are anonymous. It is very weird. Then, finally, they get on the Court, and these little flotillas of amici curiae--friends of the court, people who file briefs--come into the Court by the dozen. They don't disclose it in their briefs, but if you dig back a little bit, you will find that many of them have common funding and that the amicus curiae performance before the Court is an orchestrated performance--again, anonymously funded. So what brings that to today is that Senator Merkley has led our effort with this report: ``What's at Stake: Climate and the Environment. How Captured Courts Rig the System for Corporate Polluters.'' I want to express my appreciation to Senator Merkley for his hard work on this report and to his staff for its report. He has been joined by me, Tom Udall, Debbie Stabenow, Ed Markey, Dick Blumenthal, Sherrod Brown, Brian Schatz, and Martin Heinrich. We are proud of this work. This is one of seven follow-on reports to our original Captured Courts report. One of the things that I pointed out when I was discussing this in the Judiciary Committee was that the Washington Post's investigation into this scheme, which was a fairly robust investigation; I have to give it good marks--tallied up the amount of anonymous money that it could connect to the network of groups that is performing this scheme at $250 million. This $250 million is a lot of money. A quarter of a billion dollars is a lot of money. I have people say: No. No. It couldn't possibly be true that they have spent $250 million on this effort to capture the Court. Who spends that kind of money? So I want to walk through an example of how this money gets paid back after it is spent, and I will use just one example, one case. Back in the Obama administration, in order to deal with climate change, the Environmental Protection Agency created a Clean Power Plan to allow different States to set targets for themselves and try to meet those emissions reductions targets. That was challenged in court. The case went to the Supreme Court, where 5 to 4, with what I call the Roberts Five--no Democrat but the Republican appointees who are actively engaged in this process--did something very unusual. They granted what is called an interlocutory stay. Interlocutory stays are virtually unheard of. In fact, I believe this was actually the first. So objecting States--primarily States with fossil fuel industries-- went to the DC Circuit Court of Appeals. They objected to this and asked for a stay, and the DC Circuit said: No. You can appeal the rule, but go through the ordinary process. We are not going to stay it. They then went running up to the Supreme Court, where the five Republican appointees granted the stay. Again, I don't think that had ever happened before, an interlocutory stay. So let's do a little bit of math about just that one decision. Let's start with the International Monetary Fund, which is not a green organization by anybody's likes, I don't think, but it is pretty good at financial analysis, and it has come up with a number. In the United States alone--just in the United States--the fossil fuel industry enjoys an annual subsidy of $600 billion with a ``b.'' That is the IMF's calculation. It is actually a little bit north of that, but I have rounded it to 600 for these purposes, primarily because the industry gets away with not paying for what economists call its negative externalities. They get to pollute for free, and, basically, that is a violation of every rule of market economics. I do not care how conservative the economist is that you go to. The conservative heroes of economics from the Chicago school have said: Yes, when it is pollution, it should be charged to the polluter and should be baked into the price of the product; otherwise, the market is failing, and you have a subsidy. So a $600 billion subsidy every year, and the Clean Power Plan case was in 2016. It was in February of 2016. It is now October of 2020, so more than 4 years have passed. But, again, let me just round it down, and let's say that it has been 4 years. Four years at $600 billion a year is $2.4 trillion--$2.4 trillion. Let's assume that the Clean Power Plan, had it been implemented, would have reduced the $600 billion annual subsidy. Let's be really, really, really, really conservative, and let's assume that the effect the Clean Power Plan would have had on the fossil fuel industry would have been to reduce that by 1 percent--just 1 percent. So over those 4 years, that $2.4 trillion would have been reduced to one one-hundredth of that. One one-hundredth of $2.4 trillion is $24 billion. Now, I think the Clean Power Plan would have had a lot more of an effect on this calculation, as companies had to clean up their act, than 1 percent, but I am taking a really low number just to make the point. Six hundred billion is a little bit low, 4 years is a little bit low, and 1 percent is probably very low, but when you put it together, the mathematics gets you to $24 billion that the industry saved by being able to go to this court and have it do the unusual thing--the unprecedented thing--of putting a stay on the Environmental Protection Agency. So if you are comparing--remember where we started on this was how shocking it was that somebody might spend $250 million in dark money to produce a court that would do unprecedented things like stay the regulation? Well, you do $250 million into $24 billion, it is a 100-to- 1 return on your investment. Put in a penny, get back dollar. Put in a dollar, get back 100 bucks. Put in $250 million, get back $24 billion. That is assuming this is the only case in which this mattered. As I have pointed out from this desk over and over again, we are now up to 80 cases in which, on a 5-to-4 basis, with a partisan makeup to the 5- to-4 and with a big Republican donor interest at stake, the court has ruled for the big Republican donor interest 80 times. The score is 80 to 0, to be clear. So this is just one of those 80--a big one, mind you. A big one. These are big bucks that are involved but just 1 of those 80. So don't be surprised when the Washington Post reports that big, big, big corporate interests are willing to put $250 million into a scheme to pack the courts with judges who will make the ``right'' decision for the big corporate interests--not once, not twice, not 10 times, but 80 times--because just that one decision alone paid back the whole $250 million 99 times more. That is what we are up against, and that is why I am so determined to get to the bottom of what is going on, because everybody going into that Supreme Court has a right to an honest decision. Everybody has a right to a court that is deciding cases on their true merits and not because of ``conservative activists' [[Page S6317]] behind-the-scenes campaign to remake the nation's courts in a way that makes people who give $250 million in dark money the big winners.'' Madam President, at this point, I yield to my wonderful colleague Senator Merkley, and thank him for his leadership on the ``What's at Stake: Climate and the Environment'' report that we are speaking about today. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon. Mr. MERKLEY. Madam President, what is at stake with our climate and the environment? Our planet. Our planet is on fire, literally. Historic wildfires are leaving our forests and rural communities in ashes. Oceans are growing hotter and more acidic, devastating sea life from the shellfish of Oregon to the coral reefs of the Great Barrier Reef. There is so much damage, not just to the natural world but to our tourists and fishing industries, to our forest industry, and to our farming industry, the pillars of our rural economy both in America and around the world. More frequent and more devastating storms damaging crops, flooding cities, destroying coastal communities--the climate crisis is a clear and present danger. We are barreling headfirst at full speed toward catastrophic, irreversible climate chaos, and these special interests that my colleague just spoke about and which we expose in this report are using every tool at their disposal, especially the courts, not to stop the damage but to accelerate the carnage. It shouldn't be too surprising that they should turn to these strategies. They can't turn to the citizens of the United States because protecting our world is popular among the American people. They favor clean air. They favor clean water. They think our government has a responsibility to protect that air and water and land, and, more broadly, to protect our planet. In fact, 70 percent of Americans say government is not doing enough to reduce the effects of climate chaos, and they are so right. That is why the fossil fuel companies know that they can't win outright based on their arguments--or certainly not based on their ideas. No one says ``I want more lead in my water'' or ``I want more climate-damaging carbon dioxide or methane in the air.'' So what do you do if you can't win fairly? You rig the outcome. You fund bogus research. You spend huge sums with media to publicize that bogus research. You increase your influence through a vast, large legal team. You build a powerful lobbying team on Capitol Hill and every State capital across this Nation. You handpick candidates, and you fund their campaigns. You seek to take over control of an entire political party. But Members of Congress come and go, and even when the deck is stacked, there is that possibility of a grassroots uprising of American people to overturn your carefully laid plans to control the American Government. So what do you do? Strategy No. 7, perhaps the most powerful strategy of all--you bias the courts. Once you get someone on the Federal bench, they are there for life. They can't be tossed out by a vote of the people, and they wield immense influence over the laws and regulations, certainly over our environmental laws and regulations. If you control the courts, especially the Supreme Court--even if you lose the White House, even if you lose the House and Senate, even if you lose all three at once--you have immense power over the laws of our land. Our Constitution was framed to build a government of, by, and for this people. But with control of the courts, the privileged few--the fossil fuel barons--have created, instead, government by and for the powerful. That is why we saw such a committed effort by our colleagues on this side of the aisle to block President Obama from filling hundreds of open seats on the Federal bench. That is why we saw the theft of the Supreme Court seat for the first time in U.S. history 5 years ago. That is why the present majority leader is obsessed with ramming through more than 200 overwhelmingly White male, life-tenured judges, most of whom weren't chosen for their qualifications but for their rightwing ideology. And it is why 86 percent of Trump's nominees to the Supreme Court and the appellate courts are members of the Federalist Society. The Federalist Society, created in the 1980s--as described in the book, ``The Lie That Binds''--implemented an anti-Democratic policy agenda and political philosophy through a court system impervious to the will of the voters. It started one weekend with 200 conservative students and professors at Yale Law School, including Antonin Scalia, and it grew into the present-day shadowy behemoth promoting lawyers into prominent positions and starring far-right judges at every level of the bench to further corporate control--the powerful and privileged few over the will of the people. How are they funded? Untold millions from polluters and other corporate interests that benefit from judges who strike down environmental laws and related regulations enacted and pursued by the people. The Federalist Society is now, under Donald Trump, in charge of judicial nominations. He asked them to give him a list of whom he should nominate, and so it goes. The Federalist Society put Neil Gorsuch on that list, and President Trump nominated him. Justice Gorsuch, who said in the Chevron doctrine, a landmark decision that is the basis of 4 years of administrative and mariner law, which gives courts deference to administrative agencies and reasonable interpretations of statutes--ruled it should be overturned. The Federalist Society put Brett Kavanaugh on that list, and President Trump nominated him. Whenever the DC Circuit Court ruled to hold a corporate polluter accountable, Kavanaugh could be counted on to be in opposition of holding that corporation accountable. Observers call him a conservative critic of sweeping environmental regulations and a disaster for the environment. The Federalist Society put Amy Barrett on that list, and Trump dutifully nominated her. Amy Coney Barrett refused to answer whether climate change is real during her confirmation hearing. Her record is clear. In one case she ruled that a park preservation group couldn't sue to block a construction project in Chicago's Jackson Park. She signed an opinion that reversed the lower court decision that protected wetlands from being developed under the Clean Water Act. Earthjustice, an environmental nonprofit, remarked that her decision signaled Barrett's willingness to interpret environmental laws of the Clean Water Act narrowly in favor of industry interests--a perfect fit with the goal of the Federalist Society. The Federalist Society plays the tune, and their nominees dance the dance--the dance for government by and for the powerful and the dance that tramples on government by and for the people. If President Trump loses reelection and if Republicans lose the Senate majority, still, there is this court with this decision against the environment, against the worker, against civil rights time and time again, and a court that will work to stymie every effort to save our planet. There is a whole list of similar related positions in the lower courts with similar outcomes--corporate welfare over environmental stewardship, one judge after another after another. They are the examples of the pro-corporation, anti-environmental rulings and Trump- appointed jurists that we feared. They are the kinds of challenges that are going to stand in our way if we fight to undo the damage that this administration and its cabal of extreme rightwing allies have unleashed on our democracy and on our planet. So now we have the responsibility to act. The report that Senator Whitehouse and I are releasing today--and I applaud him for working so hard to develop this whole set of Captured Courts reports to understand the power behind the shift from government by and for the people to government by and for the powerful, because if you have read the Constitution, if you believe in ``We the People,'' you believe in the spirit of a government that draws its very essence from the people of the United States, not from the cabal of extremely wealthy, extraordinarily White, significantly privileged, enormously powerful individuals trying to be puppet masters and destroy that vision that we so cherish. That is why we must expose it. That is why we must fight it. That is why we [[Page S6318]] must reclaim--for the future of every child in America, certainly for the future of our environment here in the United States, certainly for the health of the planet, we must reclaim that vision of government of, by, and for the people. Thank you. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maine. Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Go ahead, Senator. I just wanted to see if we are going into the vote now, and, if so, whatever procedural steps you needed to take us into the vote, but I yield to the Senator from Maine. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maine.
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